The study aimed to determine the degree of affective polarization in Ukrainian society. Unlike ideological polarization, which arises from differences in political or ideological positions, affective polarization describes the growth of social and emotional distance from other groups. It explains why cohesion and benevolence between different groups and individuals decrease. As part of the study, we assumed that Ukrainian society is divided into a certain number of groups according to their experience gained after the outbreak of a full-scale invasion. 

On August 19, 2024, Volodymyr Zelenskyi suggested establishing the Ministry of Unity. According to the President's plan, this institution should "bring back 7.5 million Ukrainians" who left abroad due to Russia's full-scale invasion and still stay there. If the ministry comes to life its team will face a difficult task: in addition to creating the necessary security conditions, they need to take care of housing, jobs, education and medical services for the returnees. If fighting continues, the process could drag on for years. 

According to various estimates, up to 20% of Ukraine's population may now be abroad. However, the Ukrainian state and international institutions that calculate migration publish different data. To systematically receive updates on this information, compare it chronologically, and monitor migration trends, Civil Network OPORA created a dashboard.

Following the open and closed parts of the event, Civil Network OPORA produced a policy brief describing the key points of the discussion, which were combined into seven thematic blocks: democracy, European integration, Ukraine's membership in NATO, social cohesion, security, and good governance, energy, fair play, and international justice. 

On March 15-17, presidential “elections” are held in Russia. “Balloting” has been going on for three weeks in the occupied territories of Ukraine. The current “election campaign” in the TOT (temporarily occupied territories) is accompanied by the mobilization of the local population and the creation of a propaganda image of the people’s love for Putin. The key task of the Kremlin is a high turnout, which should prove high confidence not only in Putin, but also in Russia in general. So, the regime stretched the “balloting” over time and is conducting a large-scale campaign to “encourage” Ukrainians using coercion and intimidation. For example, special “mobile groups” visit every house, which makes it almost impossible to avoid participating in the “balloting” for locals who previously could simply not go to the polling station and thus express their protest against the occupation.

At the same time, in the foreign information space and on various discussion platforms in democratic countries all over the world, messages are shared on a rolling basis, trying to pressure Ukraine to hold elections in conditions of war. This position is supported by the fact that Russia is holding its "elections." Therefore, we need to explain why the Russian elections have nothing to do with a genuine democratic vote, and therefore, they do not lead to the formation of legitimate authorities not only in the occupied territories but also throughout Russia. With this in view, we need to focus on three key points.