This report was created within the "Advancing Democratic Integrity and Governance in Ukraine” project, which is implemented by Civil Network OPORA with the support of the EU. Its contents are the sole responsibility of  Civil Network OPORA and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.
 

Civil Network OPORA expresses its sincerest gratitude to the Ukrainian Women's Union in Spain (Union de Mujeres Ucranianas de España) for the immense help in the organization of the facilitated dialogue. 

 

Contents

Introduction 

Key Findings 

Discussion Results 

Question 1. What Connects You to Ukraine When You Are Far From Home? 

Awareness and Support of Ukrainian Identity 

Emotional Ties 

Social Ties 

Personal Ties 

Socio-political Activity 

Connection with the State and Business 

Business 

Question 2. What Motivates You to Engage in Socio-political Life in Ukraine While Being Abroad? How Can This Be Done? 

Ways of Engaging in Socio-political Life in Ukraine 

Awareness-raising and Educational Activities 

Supporting the Local Community 

Cooperation with Ukrainian Diasporas in Other Countries 

Motivation to Engage in Socio-political Processes in Ukraine 

Emotional Factors 

Investment in the Future 

Barriers to Participation 

Requests to the State 

Information Exchange 

Supporting Ukrainian Communities Abroad 

Analysis of Individual Answers 

Additional Question 1. One Challenge You Face While Living Abroad 

Additional Question 2. One Thing That Holds You Back from Returning to Ukraine 

Methodology

Preparatory Stage

Main Stage

Final Stage

Community 

Introduction

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation has triggered one of the largest waves of forced displacement in modern European history. According to estimates by the Civil Network OPORA, as of May 2026, approximately 8.9 million citizens remained outside of Ukraine, accounting for 15% to 20% of the country’s pre-invasion population. This scale of external migration poses long-term challenges to Ukraine's demographic situation, the social cohesion of Ukrainian society, and labour market stability. Furthermore, it demands that the Ukrainian state develop new mechanisms to maintain connections with citizens abroad and ensure their engagement in the socio-political life of the country.

Developing effective institutional mechanisms to address these challenges requires coordinated decisions both at the national level and in cooperation with host countries. At the same time, a prerequisite for developing effective state policy regarding Ukrainians abroad is a systemic understanding of the needs, expectations, and potential forms of participation of Ukrainian citizens abroad in the socio-political life of Ukraine. With this in mind, the Civil Network OPORA conducted a series of facilitated dialogues with representatives of Ukrainian communities in various countries. Previous dialogues have taken place in Lithuania (Vilnius), the United Kingdom (Preston, Manchester, Liverpool), Germany (Berlin), Poland (Warsaw), Italy (Rome), and Ireland (Dublin). In March 2026, a final dialogue was held with the Ukrainian community in Spain (Madrid).

According to the Government of Spain, as of December 31, 2025, 339,000 Ukrainian citizens held residence documents in the country. Following February 24, 2022, approximately 250,000 Ukrainians received temporary protection in Spain, while the number of Ukrainian citizens holding long-term residence permits reached nearly 68,000 in 2025. The majority (56%) of Ukrainian citizens in Spain are women. While the gender distribution among children under 16 is fairly balanced, women noticeably outnumber men among the working-age population (particularly in the 35–44 age group, where there are nearly twice as many women as men).

In addition, Spanish government data indicates that Ukrainians are highly active in the labour market. Before the Russian full-scale invasion, the most popular form of employment was caregiving and domestic services; however, by 2025, the largest share of Ukrainians worked in construction, hospitality, retail trade, and automotive repair. Spain has extended temporary protection for Ukrainians until March 4, 2027, while also joining the Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration program, which offers €1,000 and airfare coverage for Ukrainians wishing to return home.

Civil Network OPORA held a meeting with the Ukrainian community in Madrid to better understand the challenges Ukrainians face in Spain, their needs regarding interaction with the Ukrainian state and society, and to outline potential initiatives for long-term community support and assisting Ukrainian citizens in the context of their return to Ukraine. OPORA expresses its sincere gratitude to the Ukrainian Women's Union in Spain for their assistance in organizing the event

Key Findings

Civil Network OPORA conducted a facilitated dialogue in the capital of Spain, Madrid, to systematize the experience of Ukrainian communities abroad, develop strategies for their interaction with Ukraine's democratic institutions and civil society, and build a common understanding of the problems, needs, and methods for engaging Ukrainian citizens abroad in policy-making inside Ukraine. 17 people participated in the dialogue.

OPORA identified what connects Ukrainians abroad with Ukraine, their motivations to engage in socio-political life, as well as the tools they know and potentially use for this purpose. Furthermore, we explored the challenges faced by Ukrainians abroad and the factors holding them back from returning to Ukraine

  • Unlike in other dialogues, respondents in Madrid spoke less about their own Ukrainian identity as a key element of their connection to Ukraine. Instead, the preservation and promotion of Ukrainian culture, both within the Ukrainian community in Spain and for the Spanish audience, was of paramount importance to them. In this context, preserving language, traditions, religion, and national cuisine plays a special role.
  • A notable challenge for the Ukrainian community in Spain is the use of the Russian language and consumption of Russian cultural products by a segment of the community. In particular, participants mentioned certain Ukrainian organizations that conduct their public communication in Russian. The respondents mostly agreed that it is important not to pressure people, but rather to gradually encourage them to transition to Ukrainian.
  • Dialogue participants experience an emotional connection to Ukraine primarily through their love for their specific region or locality, as well as through nostalgia for nature and the memory of relatives buried in Ukraine. Many respondents who have lived in Spain for over 20 years spoke of a sense of internal change due to their prolonged stay abroad, yet they indicated that they still feel an emotional attachment to Ukraine.
  • Personal ties with family, friends, and colleagues in Ukraine remain one of the most critical elements in maintaining a connection to the homeland for the respondents. The Ukrainian community in Spain also plays an important role, although participants noted a tangible distance between the 'old' diaspora and those who arrived after 2022.
  • Dialogue participants view volunteering as an important way to maintain a connection with their homeland. Respondents spoke about supporting the Armed Forces of Ukraine and participating in volunteer initiatives aimed at helping children in Ukraine.
  • Staying within the Ukrainian information space (reading the news and communicating via social media) serves as another vital channel of connection with Ukraine for the respondents.
  • In contrast to other countries, participants in the Madrid dialogue virtually did not mention interaction with the Ukrainian state as a means of staying connected to Ukraine. Instead, business was brought up primarily in the context of nostalgia for the higher quality of the service sector in Ukraine.
  • The key motivation for Ukrainians in Spain to engage in Ukraine's socio-political life is an internal need and a sense of duty. Dialogue participants shared that activism serves as a way to express and realize their Ukrainian identity. Respondents also mentioned the desire to secure a future for their children in a free, democratic Ukraine, which further motivates their participation.
  • The primary method of involvement in socio-political life for the respondents is cultural diplomacy and educational activities. The respondents mentioned organizing film festivals, workshops, and cross-cultural projects in cooperation with Spanish institutions, as well as giving presentations on Ukrainian literature and art. Dialogue participants emphasized their commitment to opening up Ukrainian culture to the Spanish public, which for decades had been perceived through the prism of Russian narratives.
  • A distinct area of engagement for Ukrainians in Spain in Ukraine's socio-political life is countering Russian “soft power” within Spain. This includes picketing concerts of Russian performers, advocating with Spanish ministries and agencies to terminate cooperation with the Russian Federation, as well as applying systemic legal and bureaucratic pressure on the organizers of pro-Russian events. Participants emphasized that Russia's informational and cultural expansion in Spain poses an even greater threat than its military aggression.
  • Volunteering encompasses both supporting the Armed Forces of Ukraine and rehabilitation centers in Ukraine, as well as providing psychological and legal assistance to newly arrived Ukrainians who found themselves in Spain after the start of the full-scale invasion.
  • Dialogue participants are also engaged in Ukraine's socio-political life through building the Ukrainian community in Spain. Respondents spoke about establishing women's unions, teachers' associations, and other organizations that help unite the Ukrainian community abroad. Additionally, establishing connections with diasporas in other countries serves as an important tool for sharing experiences and coordinating initiatives.
  • Dialogue participants identified the key barriers to participation as, first and foremost, the burnout of community leaders due to prolonged work on a purely volunteer basis, a lack of empathy and the prevalence of personal ambitions over the common cause within the community, as well as a divide between different waves of migration. The Russian cultural presence in Spain also poses a notable obstacle.
  • Among the key requests addressed to the state, respondents highlighted: the creation of a unified information platform for the Ukrainian community abroad; the opening of a Ukrainian cultural center or an official representative office of the Ukrainian Institute in Spain, alongside the installation of monuments dedicated to prominent Ukrainian artists; the development of a cultural policy strategy with clear recommendations and methodologies that diaspora representatives in various countries can utilize; and financial as well as institutional support for existing cultural and educational initiatives.
  • When describing the challenges they faced abroad, the participants most frequently mentioned a lack of unity within the community, a point raised by more than half of the respondents. They also mentioned a lack of understanding from local residents, financial instability, and the absence of state support for cultural and educational initiatives.
  • Among the reasons preventing from returning to Ukraine, security risks prevail. The fear of being judged by those who stayed in Ukraine, corruption, and concerns about being unable to find employment in their field of expertise were mentioned as well. At the same time, a significant portion of the participants emphasized that they would definitely return to Ukraine after the war ends.

Discussion Results

Question 1. What Connects You to Ukraine When You Are Far From Home? 

The first question raised for discussion during the facilitated dialogue aimed to identify which objects, emotions, ties, experiences, and feelings among the participants evoke the strongest sense of unity with Ukraine and Ukrainian society, despite being abroad.

Some respondents who have been in Spain for a long time shared that they maintain a connection with Ukraine through a wide variety of tools, so many that they are difficult to list.

I have been in Spain for over 20 years. And in response to this question, one could fill an entire page.

Respondents mentioned various aspects of their connection to Ukraine, which can be broadly divided into the following main categories:

  1. Awareness and conscious support of one's own Ukrainian identity;
  2. Maintenance of emotional and social ties with the Ukrainian community abroad and in Ukraine;
  3. Preservation of ties with the state and businesses.

All three categories of connection are of equal value. It cannot be argued that any one of them is more or less important to the discussion participants. 

Awareness and Support of Ukrainian Identity

Compared to OPORA's dialogues in other countries, the dialogue in Spain focused significantly less on Ukrainian identity as a key element of the connection to Ukraine, although participants did occasionally mention its importance. In particular, they spoke about the importance of feeling like a Ukrainian; according to the respondents, this is what can ultimately drive concrete actions to support the country.

Each of us must, first and foremost, feel like a Ukrainian. Wherever you are, you must remember that you are Ukrainian.

On the other hand, for respondents in Spain, the connection to Ukraine through Ukrainian culture is of the utmost importance. The participants repeatedly emphasized that showcasing Ukrainian culture to foreigners, organizing events for the Ukrainian diaspora, and preserving Ukrainian traditions are essential tasks for them.

This is what we have brought with us from Ukraine here. We build Ukraine wherever we are. Culture comes first. We have anchored it here within ourselves and are trying to showcase it to the Spanish people. As the head of an association, I work with communities. But even before it existed, we were showcasing our culture. We want to show our culture not just to our fellow Ukrainians, but to bring it out and integrate it into Spanish culture, to interweave them. We have initiated an intercultural dialogue. For two years in a row now, the Spanish community has been asking for pysankas (Easter eggs). They are curious about why Ukrainians walk with baskets and what those painted eggs are. I host workshops for the Spanish public.

One can talk a lot about culture. For a long time, I have been organizing numerous events within our Ukrainian culture. We celebrate our culture and host joint events with the Spanish people. Our culture is the first thing we can showcase here.

I am a bandura instructor; I worked in a music school for 24 years. This is my state of mind. I am deeply passionate about culture because the bandura could fade away over time. The bandura is a rare instrument. It exists only in Ukraine and across the diasporas, like in Canada and Australia. And over time, it would be very helpful if this instrument didn’t get lost somewhere.

Among other elements of Ukrainian identity that dialogue participants mentioned as important, faith and the Ukrainian language are worth highlighting. The respondents said they maintain their connection to Ukraine through national cuisine and religious practices. Some respondents noted that they use Ukrainian symbols and accessories to stay connected to Ukraine. Among other things, they mentioned the importance of Ukrainian symbols for cultural diplomacy.

I am a choir director in Madrid at the Orthodox Church of Saints Paul and Peter. Every Sunday we hold a liturgy at 12:00.

Food, cuisine. Cuisine is very important to me. The food in Ukraine is so delicious. Cuisine is culture, food is the land. The black earth gives rise to roots, and all of that transforms into food. Madrid needs a good Ukrainian restaurant.

And food, Easter bread. I like it, but I get tired of Spanish food; I need my native food. I go to Ukrainian shops and buy Ukrainian products.

In 2022–23, a child in our group said: “Let's buy a T-shirt with Ukrainian symbols. Especially when you're travelling abroad.” And the son of one of our colleagues said: “I don't need a T-shirt because Ukraine is me.”

Respondents devoted the most attention to discussing the role of the Ukrainian language. According to the respondents, language is one of the key ways to pass on national identity to the next generation of Ukrainians.

Language.

We are a bridge between our generation and that young generation whom we wish to keep Ukrainian. We give them our beautiful language, our traditions, our thoughts, our songs.

At the same time, for the Ukrainian community in Madrid, as well as for the diaspora in Ireland, a notable challenge is the use of the Russian language by Ukrainians abroad. Dialogue participants emphasized that a significant portion of Ukrainians in Spain use Russian in everyday communication and consume Russian-language content. They also noted that some Ukrainian organizations use Russian in their public communications. Many respondents acknowledged that such behaviour by their compatriots frustrates them and makes them question whether these people have a genuine Ukrainian identity, or whether they are reproducing Russian or Soviet narratives in their activities.

It is very upsetting when our Ukrainians communicate [in Russian], when they go to those Russian concerts. Sometimes someone comes to me and says: “There's some kind of disco, and Ukrainians are going there. Do something about it.” But what can I do? Can I stand outside the club and say: “Guys, Ukrainians, don't go in”? I can't. It's a matter of consciousness. And I think we should focus on people who want to support our culture, who want to defend it. This is a question of shaping awareness. It won't just appear from nowhere. But there is no need to force it. What is not yours will fall away. If someone doesn't feel Ukrainian and doesn't want to speak Ukrainian, why would we force them? Those who want to, they speak it. They go to school, they take an interest, and they change their language.

Just recently, a few months ago, a new Ukrainian organization appeared in Madrid. It is an organization that promotes the “What's the difference?” concept. The organization communicates in Russian. I came across it by chance on Telegram. All communication was in Russian. I raised this in the Association's group chat and asked what it was. Then came an explanation in Russian that the person had come from Donetsk, or Luhansk, or Odesa, or somewhere else, and that it was very difficult for them to speak Ukrainian. So they communicate in Russian. There are many people who came here from the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. They also need help. But at the same time, the New Year holidays came around, and they held children's celebrations conducted entirely in Russian, featuring all the standard Soviet characters. This group now has a huge number of members, around 700, and I can see a lot of my acquaintances there. Some go because this volunteer centre collects clothing and food. When the person who runs such a group says “What's the difference”, meaning they speak Russian and organize all these celebrations with Soviet characters, what kind of education can they possibly provide? We have a blurring of Russian and Ukrainian. Russia works very skilfully. At this point, Russian cannot be present in the public space for people who think consciously. When you make an announcement on Telegram, it cannot be in Russian, not under any circumstances. That is a public space. If at home it is more comfortable for me to speak with my friends in Russian, English, Italian, or any other language, that is my personal matter. I do not bring it into the public space. So the explanation that “it's more convenient for us this way” simply cannot hold. This is a major problem regarding the propaganda that Russia is conducting. 

Respondents also emphasized that a major problem is the use of Russian by children and teenagers. According to those surveyed, children speak whichever language their parents use. However, in the view of dialogue participants, it is important not to pressure children but rather to encourage them to communicate in Ukrainian.

Teachers know what a problem we have with Russian-speaking children. The children are not to blame for speaking Russian. I am not talking about the family, about adults, about parents. But the children are not at fault. There is a Declaration of the Rights of the Child. A child cannot be humiliated because of their language, and I emphasize this to the children. We can say: “Please speak it, please try.” But we do have cases where parents speak [Russian], and we can make allowances for the mother. We have no right to [compel] the child due to the risk of criminal liability. That is why we must educate within the school. We sense that there are children who want to speak, even if haltingly.

Those present also expressed frustration over the fact that some Ukrainians abroad attend the Russian Orthodox Church. According to respondents, people sometimes do this out of habit, as back in Ukraine they had attended the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate.

I wanted to add something about the Russian church. I know people, many Ukrainians who attend because Ukrainians work there and speak Ukrainian. They don't understand the distinction. They used to attend the Moscow Patriarchate, which was present on Ukrainian territory, and for them, it feels normal.

However, while discussing the use of Russian and attendance at the Russian church, some participants emphasized that many Ukrainians grew up in a Russified cultural environment and cannot quickly change the language they communicate in or transition to a different church. Some respondents noted that certain Ukrainian military personnel also use Russian in their daily lives.

When they started out, they wrote in Russian, but now more and more of them are speaking Ukrainian. I attended a First of September celebration, and the event was conducted entirely in Ukrainian — girls performed in Ukrainian costumes, children sang Ukrainian songs, a teacher played music. There was not a single Russian word. They are not broadcasting any Russian culture; it is not propaganda. But they do emphasize within the group that people should not be corrected for speaking Russian. It is no secret that Odesa today speaks almost exclusively Russian. Ukrainian is barely spoken there at all. And many of my friends at the front continue to speak Russian. They come back without legs, without arms, but they speak Russian. They are capable of speaking Ukrainian, but it is a very slow process. It is impossible to tear that away from people all at once and create even greater tension for those who are already living under unbearable strain.

The New Year celebrations — they did what they knew. Their own lives, what they had seen and known, that is what they did. 

Respondents also shared stories of people in their circles transitioning to Ukrainian gradually, without external pressure but with the support of those around them.

We have teachers who came and spoke Russian, but over four years have transitioned to Ukrainian. We had one teacher who spent the first year speaking Russian, and there were heated debates among the teachers, as Ukrainian-speaking teachers would not let her work. But we could not dismiss this woman. Today she is a choreographer, she speaks Ukrainian, occasionally using Russian words. It is very hard to rebuild oneself. It is not the same as being born in a Ukrainian village in western Ukraine when you have come from Donetsk.

In general, the respondents mostly agreed that one should be tolerant toward those Ukrainians abroad who speak different languages. In their view, this approach will help avoid pushing people away from the Ukrainian language, and is also consistent with the European values that Ukraine aspires to.

We must be very tolerant because if people come to hate us, it will be even worse for us. We must love people so that they come to us.

I also advocate for greater tolerance toward people who are rebuilding their language. 

If we are in a European country and trying to embrace European values, then that means tolerance. Tolerance and understanding. We must not attack our own people.

Emotional Ties

Dialogue participants in Madrid shared that their connection to Ukraine remains strong through their emotional attachment to their homeland. The majority of respondents spoke of their love for their native region, the area or locality they come from in Ukraine. Respondents noted that various aspects of life in Spain occasionally remind them of life in Ukraine, although they do feel changes within themselves. Many also mentioned nature: respondents said they miss the climate and landscape of Ukraine.

Love of my region. How much I love Asturias, which reminds me of Lviv. Lviv has a particular air about it. When you live in Spain for a long time, you become imbued with everything that surrounds you. And that changes you. When you spend a long time in this environment, you also feel a little bit Spanish, yet you remain Ukrainian.

My village. My land. Almost all of my family is in Spain, but when I go to my native village, all my dear people are there: friends, classmates, neighbours. And the land, the hills, the orchards, the valleys, the river. That connects me, and I miss it here.

Our Halychyna. You know, two years ago I was with my children in the north of Spain, in Galicia. If you translate it, it is our Halychyna. Our climate, our black earth. You get the impression that you have ended up in Ukraine. A tremendous connection. It seems to me that our Halychyna is unique, it is something divine. I have a great deal of humour in our Halychyna dialect. Our Halychyna means a great deal to me.

We miss spring: its scent, nature, greenery, clean, fresh air.

In addition, respondents spoke about their connection to Ukraine through the memory of parents and other relatives buried at home.

Memory: parents, mothers, grandparents are buried there. As you remember, so too will you be remembered.

Social Ties

In addition to personal and emotional ties to Ukraine, the dialogue participants noted the role of social connections that reinforce a sense of unity. They primarily mentioned personal ties with other Ukrainians, as well as participation in the socio-political life of Ukraine.

Personal Ties

Dialogue participants named personal ties as one of the most important elements in maintaining the connection between Ukrainian citizens in Spain and Ukraine. Family was mentioned most frequently: according to respondents, they miss their relatives, and communication with them helps them stay connected to the Ukrainian context.

Family. Almost for everyone who has been far from home for a long time. If parents are still alive — we cannot always come and find them living, but we come to their graves. Even if our children are here, this connection is never lost. Because our relatives, brothers, sisters, family members remain in Ukraine.

My family is in Ukraine, I miss them terribly. 

I have already been in Spain for 25 years. For people who came to Spain earlier, family comes first. Now, with the war, there is great anxiety. Even though we are from the Lviv region, the anxiety is still very great.

Beyond family ties, respondents also spoke about communication with colleagues. Some of the respondents continue to work remotely for Ukrainian organizations, meaning that professional communities remain a bridge connecting them to Ukrainian society.

My colleagues, work connects us. I am a teacher, a university lecturer; we maintain this connection between professional communities.

Communication with poets and writers. I am a poet myself. I have many contacts with our writers; there is always wonderful communication to be found.

Finally, dialogue participants also mentioned the Ukrainian community in Spain as a unifying factor. According to them, the war forced Ukrainians to communicate with each other more. At the same time, some respondents who have been living in Spain for a long time noted that they feel a difference between themselves and Ukrainians who arrived after the full-scale invasion.

The war is about Ukrainians being forced to reflect. We have a community, several thousand people come here. 

The war unites.

I have been here a long time. I feel the difference between us and the Ukrainians who have arrived.

Socio-political Activity

An important way of maintaining a connection with Ukraine for the respondents is socio-political activity. Participants spoke about their volunteering work in support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and their participation in other volunteer initiatives in Ukraine. According to the respondents, this helps them remain in constant contact with the Ukrainian context.

I started volunteering from the very beginning of the war; since 2014 we began with our first men who went to fight. And to this day, our volunteering is very strong; we help everyone. 

Cooperation with orphanages. We have been cooperating for four years. In Lviv, there is an international Ukrainian foundation, “Little Victories.” They are now going to build a large rehabilitation centre for children with disabilities. 10 hectares of land have already been secured for construction near Lviv and everything is almost fully planned. They have now sent me the project; it needs to be translated into Spanish, and people need to be gathered here because they work with the EU and the European Parliament. They came there again because enormous funds are needed. The construction cost is 36 million euros. A large sum, but there will be psychologists, doctors; it will be a large centre. They also work with families, but with people with disabilities. And for five years running, they have been holding festivals at the Lviv Opera House. Two years ago, 50 children with disabilities performed on stage. We help them greatly: with clothing, footwear, food.

Dialogue participants also mentioned the importance of a shared information space with Ukraine. According to them, they constantly read Ukrainian news and use social media to understand what is happening at home.

News. We read the news; we remain in that information space. I am still with Ukraine in my mind. In my mind, and in my soul and heart.

Social media, communicating with each other. This is also a major part of the connection to Ukraineю It gives you an understanding of what is happening there.

Connection with the State and Business

Unlike the dialogues in other countries, the participants in Madrid virtually did not mention interaction with the state. This may be connected to the fact that many of them have been living in Spain for a long time; however, even respondents who arrived in the country after the full-scale invasion did not raise the topic of connection with the state. Instead, Ukrainian businesses were mentioned primarily in the context of employment or nostalgia for the Ukrainian service sector.

Business

Some respondents noted that they had their own businesses or good jobs in Ukraine. They spoke of missing their professions and added that they are unable to find a similar line of work abroad. 

In Ukraine I had a small international maritime shipping company. But at the moment, I cannot start anything here because I simply cannot master the language.

I worked as a teacher in my native village, then as a principal and a deputy principal. And I brought this profession here with me. We are fortunate that our teachers' union was organized. We call ourselves the Union of Ukrainian Teachers. We established the union, we have a school and have been working for many years here in Spain.

Dialogue participants also spoke with nostalgia about the Ukrainian service sector. In their view, the beauty industry, medicine, and even clothing in Ukraine are often of higher quality than in Spain.

We women miss Ukrainian manicures terribly, our lash technicians, our hairdressers. We would very much like to have the beauty industry here. 

We would very much like to have markets or shops filled with our beautiful things: clothing, fashionable shoes.

Our Ukrainian medicine, dentistry are at the highest level. We miss it. When we go on holiday, what do we do in Ukraine? We see Ukrainian dentists. The prices are comparable, but the quality is very high and the service is fast.

Question 2. What Motivates You to Engage in Socio-political Life in Ukraine While Being Abroad? How Can This Be Done?

The second question discussed during the facilitated dialogue pursued two key objectives:

  • To identify which civic and political participation tools the dialogue participants were familiar with and which of these they had already used while living abroad.
  • To explore the motivations that encourage participants to engage in Ukraine's civic and political life while residing abroad.

Ways of Engaging in Socio-political Life in Ukraine

The majority of dialogue participants are actively involved in the life of the Ukrainian community in Spain. They work with Ukrainian children abroad and volunteer. Their current understanding of socio-political participation is concentrated primarily in the sphere of "soft power" — cultural diplomacy, awareness-raising, and preservation of national identity. At the same time, the results of the discussion suggest a likely lack of awareness regarding formal tools of political influence and advocacy (such as interaction with government bodies, participation in electoral processes, or lobbying at the legislative level), as these mechanisms were not articulated by participants at all during the discussion.

Awareness-raising and Educational Activities

The primary way of engaging in socio-political life for participants is organizing and taking part in rallies. These events serve a dual function: on the one hand, they consolidate the diaspora itself; on the other, they serve as a means of countering Russian disinformation and “war fatigue” among Europeans.

We hold Madrid rallies, Madrid gatherings. This makes it clear to tourists, to the people of Madrid, and to the community, as Madrid is populated by a very diverse mix of people. We make it clearly understood that Ukrainians are not giving up, Ukrainians are keeping their spirits high. And this is the first line of resistance against Russian propaganda and its lies.

A separate, far sharper vector of activism is countering the Russian cultural presence (so-called "soft power") in Spain. This includes picketing the performances of pro-Kremlin figures in the arts, who hold influence over local elites. At the same time, this activity is not limited to street protests: activists have moved toward bureaucratic and legal pressure on Spanish authorities, establishing specialized coalitions. Participants stressed that in their view, Russia's informational expansion poses no lesser a threat than its military aggression on the battlefield.

Do you know what hurts the most? When Putin's companion, Anna Netrebko, performs. Ukrainians came and kept watch. The thing is, a huge army of influential, aristocratic Spaniards comes to watch all of this. People feel powerless. But credit must be given to the police, who do nothing to the Ukrainians who are protesting, but they also do not shut down or remove the singer. We write: "Do not let in the culture, because the army will follow." They do it. 

We do not stop signing letters and sending them to Spanish ministries and agencies. We even try to organize cultural events ourselves; we have a rapid response group. We try to write letters asking why they are allowed to hold their concerts, why their events, exhibitions, and theatric performances take place. There are no clashes, but the propaganda is still very significant. 

Cultural policy is a major lever of our daily struggle. And in principle, it is well known that Russia is winning this war not only with drones but also with propaganda, as we have been saying. 

In Spain, there is a mentality of fear, respect, and awe when it comes to Russian culture and Russia itself.

Dialogue participants also noted that they systematically promote Ukrainian cultural output in Spain, including in academic settings. According to respondents, the local environment had for a long time perceived Ukraine through the lens of Russian narratives, and so they are now opening up Ukrainian history, cinema, and art to Spanish audiences. This is why Ukrainians abroad today are compelled to carry out a decolonizing and educational mission.

We are children of great Ukraine. But wherever we are, we build our little Ukraine there. With words, music, dances, costumes. That is our little Ukraine.

We go to university departments and explain which cinema is Ukrainian and which is Soviet. 

We, of course, cannot restrict all the concerts that take place. We need alternatives. We try to create and draw people toward Ukrainian content. 

We hold an annual Ukrainian film festival here in Madrid.

European states were accustomed to perceiving us as Russians. They would ask, “Where is this country, Ukraine? Are you Russians?” They did not perceive us that way. When we were opening a library, I took Taras Shevchenko, Lesia Ukrainka, Ivan Franko, I took our contemporary writers, Zabuzhko, Lina Kostenko. I read aloud, and the Spaniards sat and looked at us wide-eyed, because they know Tolstoy, they know Lermontov, they know Pushkin, but they had never heard anything about our writers. They asked, “Where are these classics from, past and present?” I said, “These are our wonderful poets, our wonderful writers.” I have the impression that we must show our culture more forcefully so that people know us. We are different; they did not know us. They knew Russian culture, and that we were part of it is a different story. That is why we fight more, we show more, explain more to them that we are a vast European culture that was, is, and will be.

Another tool of socio-political participation for dialogue participants is the development and implementation of cross-cultural projects that bridge Ukrainian and Spanish contexts. Respondents noted that engagement with local institutions (schools, universities, municipalities) through shared cultural formats allows them to effectively advocate for Ukrainian narratives among Spaniards. At the same time, such events serve as a tool for the gentle re-integration and education of Ukrainians who had not previously been actively involved in promoting Ukrainian culture.

I have a project that I have had in mind for many years. I work in international shipping, but I also have another qualification. I am an artist. I make collages, and here in Madrid, despite having two other degrees, I want to enroll at the Juan Carlos University as an artist. I would like to highlight what it means for a person over 45 to begin their journey as an artist. I want to create my own union comparing Ukrainian and Spanish art, connecting groups that have workshops in Ukraine and in Spain, creating collaborations among creative people who already have their own workshops.

We began working with the Spanish, and three years ago we participated together in our first Cabalgata. What is the Cabalgata? It is their version of our St. Nicholas Day. Children throw sweets, the three kings ride through. In the first year, we invited 85 of our children. We were all dressed in Ukrainian festive Christmas attire. That first year, our military men were with us. There was a man from Donetsk. His wife had arrived with two children. And there was another man, from Zaporizhzhia it seemed, also a wife and two children. The man spoke a mix of Ukrainian and Russian, the wife and children in Russian. And we invited them. We took our refugee children and two families of our servicemen who had been wounded and were on rehabilitation. And afterwards they said, “We don't know our own culture; we speak Russian; we had never seen our own clothing; we don't know our own culture well.” And we had merged two cultures: Ukrainian and Spanish.

I went to the international school where my son studies, once I saw what was in his curriculum. I spent two hours writing things down, I took a book, I showed them the bandura. They said: "bandurria." I said: "No, that is your bandurria, small and rather ungainly. But this is our Ukrainian bandura, the only instrument that Ukraine has." We explain a great deal to them, we tell them a great deal.

Supporting the Local Community

Some of the dialogue participants engage in socio-political life by building Ukrainian communities in Spain, including women's unions and culturally-oriented organizations. Their creation was a response to the need for informational protection, legal support, and self-realization.

We saw that there was a problem. Our Ukrainian women felt unprotected, informationally or otherwise; they lacked something. We established the Union of Ukrainian Women of Spain. It is very young; it was registered last year. It was created during the war. [...] So here in Spain, I saw this need because women must also feel their own level, their own desire to work in a particular field, and for them to be heard. There was a need to create such a union so that specifically women's issues could be addressed within it.

When we found ourselves here, the first thing I could do was to contribute my knowledge and expertise and volunteer through culture, through the promotion of Ukrainian culture. And that is what we began to do: we established an association and started working in that direction.

At the same time, the high fragmentation of the community remains a significant problem in its internal interactions. A representative of the Ukrainian Embassy in Spain, who was present at the dialogue, noted that civic organizations abroad often have greater influence and capacity for self-realization than official representations, but that this potential is undermined by disorganization and the reluctance of opinion leaders to coordinate their actions.

You as a civic organization have considerably more influence and opportunity to realize yourselves than, for example, the embassy. And so I would very much like you to feel your own strength. For instance, I would like those people who lead associations to unite and communicate with each other. Because when I ask to have information about an association updated, there is one field there: the number of people in the association. First of all, almost everyone ignores me. Almost no one responds. Three or four people might write to me, but an association has three, four, or five members. Almost no one writes that the association unites 100–500 people.

Another practical tool for engaging in socio-political life is self-organization to provide psychological and social support within the community. Faced with a lack of systematic information about official support programs, newly arrived Ukrainians opt for proactive volunteering and independently create local mutual psychological support networks, building horizontal connections in the country of residence.

For example, for those people who left because of the war and are staying in various centers, psychological support is provided. I don't know whether there is anything like that here, I hadn't heard of it. I also arrived because of the war, and I did not find any such information even for myself. And so I began to handle this myself.

Finally, some respondents indicated that they engage in socio-political life through their daily work to preserve the Ukrainian national identity of children in a foreign-language and foreign-culture environment, resisting assimilation.

There is the Russian language, and there are people who use it. It exists. But we must convey to our children: everything comes from the family. No one will come and hand you a book. Your child, if they want to read Don Quixote, will read it in Spanish or English. If you do not give your child Russian at home, they will not read in Russian. They read in Ukrainian, what is easier and closer to them, or in a foreign language.

Through our hands have come Ukrainian-speaking children from western Ukraine. Quite different children, a quite different mentality. Over the last four years, Russian-speaking children have been arriving. And the school must rely not only on the fact that we are Ukrainian but also on the fact that we are in Spain.

Cooperation with Ukrainian Diasporas in Other Countries

Among the tools of community engagement, participants also mentioned the establishment of horizontal connections with Ukrainian diasporas in other parts of the world, which allows communities in Spain to integrate into the global Ukrainian movement. A successful example of such cooperation was the experience of organizing a large-scale international conference of the World Federation of Ukrainian Women's Organizations in Malaga. Among older examples, the opening of a monument to Taras Shevchenko in Portugal in 2019 was mentioned.

Last year we had a wonderful occasion. We hosted an international conference in Malaga where representatives from 20 countries gathered. We discussed various issues. Having heard and seen their example of how things are done in other countries, we decided to do the same here in Spain.

When the monument to Shevchenko was being unveiled in Portugal, we came from here and helped financially. We attended the opening. Do you know what the Portuguese said at the opening? "When you open a monument in Madrid, we will give many times more money." Because they struggled for eight years to open their monument.

Motivation to Engage in Socio-political Processes in Ukraine

Among the key motivations for dialogue participants to engage in Ukraine's socio-political processes, those surveyed identified a complex of emotional and values-based incentives and an aspiration to build a safe future for the next generation.

Emotional Factors

Participants interpret activism as an internal need and a sense of duty, rooted in existing experience, knowledge, and resources. This motivation is closely connected to the desire to support newcomers who are in a state of disorientation and to help them integrate into the local community without losing their connection to home.

An inner strength, an inner desire, and something that cannot be explained by anything. You simply understand that you need to go and do what you can, what you have some knowledge, vision, and capacity for. You go and you do it, you try to convey it to the community, to those people who have arrived, who are still lost, who don't understand what is happening, how to live next, what to do.

First and foremost, what motivates me is an internal need to volunteer, to help the state, and to fight. This is a fight.

Another emotional stimulus toward socio-political participation is the active realization of one's own Ukrainian identity, which becomes especially acute in the context of the full-scale war in Ukraine.

Each of us must first and foremost feel Ukrainian. Wherever you are, you must remember that you are Ukrainian. And what is happening in Ukraine, in politics, anywhere, in culture, it hurts you. If it hurts you, then you move to certain actions.

Investment in the Future 

A long-term motivation for participants is the aspiration to ensure that their children live in a free, democratic Ukraine and to prevent a totalitarian regression. Socio-political participation is seen by parents as a direct way to influence the shaping of the society in which future generations will live.

What motivates us is the future of our children. That is all. There is no other motivation. What kind of society will they live in? A free, democratic one, or a totalitarian one? How can this be done?

Barriers to Participation

The primary obstacle to the sustained functioning of Ukrainian civic initiatives in Spain is the burnout of community leaders, caused by prolonged work on a purely volunteer basis and the absence of systemic financial support. Respondents emphasize that the majority of cultural and advocacy projects are financed from the organizers' personal savings. The situation is further compounded by the high cost of licensing cultural content and low event attendance, which further demotivates activists.

We worked from morning till night, receiving nothing for it. Everyone thinks, “My God, the heads of associations receive a great deal of money.” Sorry, but we spend our own money to make all of this happen. We are in the red with all our projects. We do this just so that it exists. Burnout sets in: at some point, you simply realize that you just can't cope.

Even the wonderful film "Traces". I saw its premiere. But when you approach the producers to show it at our film festival, because we hold an annual Ukrainian film festival in Madrid, it costs, for example, 800 euros for a single screening. I have to find those 800 euros somewhere. Who will help me? No one. Last year, we showed 25 films. We paid all the screening fees for all of them. And then people don't even show up. That is why we will now be holding Ukrainian film screenings, and we are raising our ticket prices.

Significant internal barriers within the Ukrainian community in Spain, according to the respondents, are a lack of empathy and the prevalence of personal ambitions over the common cause. On one hand, some noted a crisis of mutual understanding among the active core, which disperses already limited resources and prevents effective mobilization of the diaspora. On the other hand, according to dialogue participants, there is a certain communication gap between different waves of migration: those who moved to Spain long before the full-scale war often do not understand forcibly displaced persons, while the latter, in turn, largely do not engage with the initiatives and events organized by the “traditional” community activists, which deepens mutual estrangement and reinforces the passivity of the new wave of refugees.

Everyone is doing something. The people gathered here are not indifferent, that must be understood. Somewhere out there are another 100,000 Ukrainians in Madrid. This question needs to be raised. There is even a saying: “Build a hut from goosefoot, but don't bring [a woman] into someone else’s house.” One must understand one thing: if someone has done something, it hurts them because they tried. But then what they call "the swan, the crayfish, and the pike" begins. Because everyone has expressed their own view. Empathy is needed, the ability to hear and accept, to be alongside. Only then will it work. But when everyone wants to be ahead of everyone else, I have a question.

There are very few temporarily displaced people from Ukraine with whom one can find common ground, start working, and organize anything. You are at the rallies, but thousands of displaced persons have arrived here. They came with their children. We worked; translators worked with them in hotels. Where are they all? None of them are anywhere. We cannot find them, cannot find common ground with them, cannot organize anything with them.

The most acute external challenge for promoting Ukrainian interests in Spain, as dialogue participants noted, is the essential presence of the Russian language and culture in the public space. A deeply rooted, institutionalized, and financially resourced Russian infrastructure aggressively employs tools of cultural expansion. Respondents note that this propaganda operates on several levels: through religious institutions, monumental art objects in public spaces, the holding of ideological mass events, and the mimicking of Ukrainian cultural products.

There is a Russian church that has been built. Here, in Madrid. And, incidentally, a great many Ukrainians attend this church. The church was built during Medvedev's presidency. The church has a school, it has classrooms. It is painful to realize that such propaganda exists.

A monument to Pushkin stands in Salamanca, in the Quinta de la Fuente del Berro park. Terrible Russian propaganda. A monument to Pushkin stands there. In other provinces, in other cities, it may be different, but in Madrid… There is their “immortal regiment” here on May 9. 

What really gets to me is that Meladze comes here, whose concerts are banned in Ukraine, and Loboda, who is simply prohibited from doing this [in Ukraine]. A great many Ukrainians buy tickets, go to these concerts, take photographs, and post them on social media. At the same time, Ukrainians here support Ukraine. How can a person hold both of these things in their head? How do you show them that this is an absurdity?

One of the greatest propagandists in Madrid is "Ballet de Kyiv." They put on their shows on Gran Vía, but it is a Russian ballet. They simply took [this name] and play on Ukraine so that people come thinking it is a Ukrainian troupe. In reality, it is a Russian ballet.

Requests to the State

In the course of the dialogue, participants outlined a number of expectations and requests directed at the Ukrainian state, which, in their view, could help improve the living conditions of Ukrainian citizens abroad. They spoke primarily about the need to open a cultural centre and about informational and financial support for existing initiatives to help them scale up.

Information Exchange

The most acute infrastructural request from the community is the creation of a unified platform for information exchange, which would aggregate state and civic projects from Ukraine and other countries that Ukrainians abroad could join. Dialogue participants note that following the start of the full-scale invasion and the sharp increase in the number of displaced persons, the traditional diaspora communication channels stopped working. The absence of a centralized resource makes it difficult for newly arrived Ukrainians to find local NGOs or learn about cultural initiatives.

Here in Spain, in Madrid, there is no single information database from which we could draw all the information about what is happening. Even in Madrid, in Spain. What initiatives exist in Ukraine that we could participate in? I think there are many active people who would join. I know that in other countries there are such information centres and such initiatives. 

In order to find the Union of Ukrainian Women, I need to know that it exists. I cannot find something I don't know about. There is no information.

Before the war, before the full-scale invasion, there was actually no such need. We had rallies, we had meetings, we had a great deal going on between the schools, and there was no such need because we all know each other. But now people arrived during the invasion.

Supporting Ukrainian Communities Abroad 

According to the respondents, they feel the absence of a coherent state strategy for promoting Ukraine in Spain. The key demand in this context is the establishment of a Ukrainian cultural centre or a representative office of the Ukrainian Institute. The opening of a monument to Taras Shevchenko or another Ukrainian figure in Madrid, or the launch of Ukrainian cultural spaces that would help consolidate the community and elevate the Ukrainian cultural presence in Spanish society from a grassroots, amateur level to an institutional one, was also discussed.

I would ask you to express that Ukrainians in Madrid want a cultural centre; they are dying for it. They want Shevchenko, they want something extraordinary, sensational. Perhaps the Ukrainian Embassy in Spain will need to get involved.

The creation of a Ukrainian Institute in Spain. In Europe there are such institutions: in France, in London, in Brussels. There is nothing like it here, and so there is no strategic cultural policy of the state, and we have no recommendations. Everything we do, we do on our own initiative. As we see fit. But it would be wonderful to have some kind of cultural policy strategy abroad, some recommendations, some methodologies according to which we could act.

However, during the discussion, an opposing view was also voiced: the creation of cultural centres is the task of the local community itself, which must mobilize its own resources for this purpose.

The Ministry of Culture is not going to open a centre for us. We must do this ourselves, here, on the ground.

Finally, dialogue participants who are already implementing their own projects, particularly in the cultural sphere, voiced a request for financial and institutional support (for example, from the embassy) for existing initiatives.

 

Analysis of Individual Answers

After the group discussion on the two previous topics concluded, participants of the facilitated dialogue were asked to respond to two additional questions:

  1. One challenge you face while living abroad.
  2. One thing that holds you back from returning to Ukraine?

The participants provided their answers to these questions individually in writing. This format was chosen to ensure anonymity and increase the likelihood of sincere responses, as well as to provide everyone with an opportunity to speak. The collected responses were organized by OPORA representatives into thematic areas and analyzed.

Additional Question 1. One Challenge You Face While Living Abroad 

The greatest challenge mentioned by dialogue participants is the inability of the Ukrainian community in Spain to find common ground. More than half of the respondents noted that it is difficult for Ukrainians to unite. Ukrainians who have been living in Spain for a long time spoke of the indifference of those who arrived after the full-scale invasion. The displaced persons, in turn, wrote that they feel envy and even hostility from those who have been living in Spain for a long time. The absence of unity ultimately prevents Ukrainians in Spain from being effective, including in the context of defending the interests of the Ukrainian community and Ukraine as a whole.

Ukrainians in Madrid are not friendly. They devour the successful and take their place through dishonesty. And here you don't know what to do.

Envy from compatriots that gets in the way of working.

It is difficult for Ukrainians to unite. Lack of unity, mutual understanding, support.

The indifference of an enormous number of Ukrainians. 

Hate from Ukrainians who arrived 20 years ago toward those who arrived during the war. 

There is no shared goal.

Another significant challenge for dialogue participants is integration into Spanish society. Respondents reported feeling a lack of understanding from Spaniards, often combined with local residents knowing nothing about Ukrainian culture and Ukraine in general.

A lack of understanding of us. 

The only challenge is the Spanish. They do not understand us at all.

A lack of understanding and ignorance of Ukrainian culture and Ukraine's level of development by locals.

Respondents also mentioned financial instability and difficulties in finding work.

Survival.

Work.

Finally, a distinct challenge for dialogue participants is the insufficient involvement of the Ukrainian state in supporting cultural and educational processes abroad. Respondents pointed to a lack of Ukrainian cultural institutions in Spain that could counteract Russian "soft power." They also indicated problems with funding for Ukrainian education, particularly schools for children of forcibly displaced persons.

A Ukrainian centre in Spain where Ukrainian culture would be promoted specifically at the state level, as the Russian Federation operates.

Funding for Ukrainian schools abroad.

 

Additional Question 2. One Thing That Holds You Back from Returning to Ukraine

As for participants in all previous dialogues, the key factor deterring Ukrainians in Spain from returning is the security situation in Ukraine. A significant portion of respondents named the war, instability, and fear for their lives and the lives of their children as the main reasons keeping them outside Ukraine. Some of those surveyed noted that they feel a responsibility to help their relatives.

The war. To support and help my relatives. I'll return after the war!

Fear for my life, and most of all, for my children.

War. 

Instability.

Since many of the dialogue participants have been living in Spain for over 20 years, they noted that they have already adapted and do not plan to return to Ukraine. Some of them mentioned an unwillingness to start life over again, while others wrote that their family largely lives in Spain, and so they will stay in the country with their children and grandchildren.

A long time living in Spain, children born here, a life established in Spain.

I am 53 years old; I am already tired of starting everything from scratch.

Years of life in Spain, work, family.

For some respondents, important factors deterring them from returning are a distrust of Ukrainian society or the Ukrainian state. Some of the respondents noted that they do not want to return home because they fear the judgment of Ukrainians who remained in Ukraine after the start of the full-scale invasion. Others are deterred from returning by corruption in Ukraine.

I am afraid that those Ukrainians who stayed in Ukraine will accuse those who left of betrayal.

Corruption!!!

Some of the respondents noted that what holds them back from returning is a fear of not being able to find work in Ukraine. Respondents indicated that they want to return home but are unsure whether they will be able to find work in their profession in their locality.

I very much want to return already, to live in Ukraine and work in a real Ukrainian school. But the school in my village has been closed and it is hard to find work.

At the same time, many dialogue participants emphasized that nothing holds them back from returning to Ukraine. They said that they will definitely return after the war ends.

Nothing — but in the realities of war, I can be more effective outside Ukraine.

Nothing! 

I will definitely return.

Methodology

There is a wide range of methods for collecting and analyzing public opinion that allow for the exploration of the views, needs, and expectations of various social groups, adapting different approaches to the context and specificities of the audience. Specifically, these include in-depth interviews, focus groups, surveys, content analysis, observation, and more. Given the research objectives and available resources, Civil Network OPORA selected the facilitated dialogue approach among other data collection methods.

Facilitated dialogues are aimed at improving citizen engagement and integrating their opinions into public policies, ensuring their implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. Among the key tasks that OPORA set for itself while conducting dialogues with Ukrainian communities abroad were:

  • Systematization of the experiences of Ukrainian citizens who went abroad as a result of the full-scale invasion;
  • Development of a strategy for interaction between Ukrainian citizens abroad and Ukraine’s democratic institutions and civil society;
  • Promotion of a common understanding of problems and needs, and the involvement of Ukrainian citizens abroad in the formation of domestic policies within Ukraine.

Facilitated dialogue is a distinct methodological approach that has a specific purpose and implementation method. It requires a specialized way of interaction between participants that differs from classic sociological approaches. While facilitated dialogue shares many similarities with focus groups—specifically in creating a safe space for discussion, engaging diverse perspectives, and analyzing collective narratives—these two approaches serve different goals through different methodological frameworks. In Table 1, we outline the key differences between facilitated dialogues and focus groups, which highlight the core characteristics and specifics of each approach.

Methodological Features of Focus Groups and Facilitated Dialogues

 

Focus Group

Facilitated Dialogue

Aim

Used as a research tool to collect opinions, perceptions, and feedback from participants regarding specific topics, policies, or conflicts. The primary goal is to collect data for analysis.

Promoting mutual understanding, building trust, and facilitating meaningful conversations between participants. The goal is to create mutual understanding and shared learning.

Facilitation Approach

Conducted by moderators who guide discussions using a standardized set of questions to ensure the collection of relevant data. The role of the moderator is to keep the group on track and ensure the conversation aligns with the research objectives.

Led by a dialogue leader who encourages an open and balanced exchange of ideas, sometimes without predetermined questions. The role of facilitators is to create a safe space, encourage active listening, and foster deeper conversation.

Participant Interaction

Interaction is often limited; participants respond to questions and occasionally interact with one another, but within a highly structured environment. It requires a structured approach to the selection of all participants.

Participants are encouraged to engage in deeper, more open discussions with one another, exploring perspectives and ensuring equal participation in the conversation. This approach is more qualitative in terms of its commitment to inclusivity.

Result Orientation

The result consists of concrete findings or insights that can serve as a basis for decision-making, research conclusions, and so on.

Leads to the establishment of relationships, improved understanding, and often personal or collective transformations of opinions. The outcome provides tangible data for analyzing collective views, but also intangible benefits, such as trust.

Nature of the Discussion

More evaluation-oriented, centered on opinions and feedback. Participants often stay within the boundaries of the specific questions provided.

Exploratory and reflective, allowing participants to more freely discuss personal experiences, stories, and viewpoints.

Duration and Structure

Usually limited in time (for example, 1–2 hours) with a structured agenda, typically conducted as a series of sessions.

Can be more flexible in duration and, if necessary, may span several sessions to develop deeper discussions and foster stronger relationships.

 

Civil Network OPORA has conducted nine dialogues: the pilot took place on April 29, 2024, in Vilnius, Lithuania, followed by three dialogues held in cities across the United Kingdom (Manchester, Liverpool, and Preston) from December 9 to 12, 2024. On October 18, 2025, the fifth facilitated dialogue was held with the Ukrainian community in Germany (Berlin), and on December 11, 2025, the sixth dialogue took place in Poland (Warsaw). On March 6, 2026, OPORA conducted the seventh facilitated dialogue with Ukrainians in Ireland (Dublin), and on March 28 of the same year, the eighth was held in Spain (Madrid). 

 

Facilitated dialogues consisted of three main stages:

  1. The preparatory stage, which included recruiting participants, developing the dialogue plan, and training facilitators to lead the discussions.
  2. The main stage, which involved the direct facilitation of the dialogues and the collection of data based on the discussions.
  3. The final stage, which consisted of processing, analyzing, and describing the data obtained during the dialogues.

Based on the results of the discussions, a report was prepared.

Preparatory Stage

During the preparatory stage of the facilitated dialogue, Civil Network OPORA adapted the discussion methodology to the specific context and characteristics of Germany. Representatives of OPORA determined that facilitated dialogue should be the key data collection method, as it creates a trusting atmosphere that encourages Ukrainian citizens abroad to engage in frank and deep discussions regarding their experiences and needs. Additionally, preliminary research was conducted on the communities where the dialogues would take place to identify key local leaders capable of assisting with the on-site organization of the facilitated dialogue..

A key part of the preparatory phase of the facilitated dialogue was the recruitment of participants. To achieve this, local community leaders conducted targeted outreach among their own contacts and invited Ukrainians living in Ireland (primarily in Dublin to participate in the dialogue.

In total, 17 Ukrainians (15 women and 2 men) took part in the facilitated dialogue in Spain The average age of the participants was 49. Almost all participants are employed, many are also engaged in volunteering and social activism.

The majority of the respondents relocated to Spain after the start of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine; however, a major part of them have been residing in the country prior to 2022. Notably, several interviewees have lived in Spain for over 20 years. Some of the dialogue participants fled to Spain from localities that, at certain points during the Russian-Ukrainian war, were under direct threat of occupation or were occupied. 

It is important to note that since participation in the facilitated dialogue was voluntary and relied solely on the motivation of the participants themselves, this may have influenced the subsequent results of the discussion. Participants who possess a strong Ukrainian identity, maintain closer ties with the Ukrainian community, and demonstrate civic or political activism (such as attending rallies, meetings, etc.) were more motivated to join the event.

Main Stage

The main stage of the research involved a facilitated dialogue in Madrid on March 28, 2026. The facilitated dialogue lasted 3 hours.

The facilitated dialogue was composed of 3 primary parts:

  1. Introduction. The goal of this part was to create a safe environment in which participants could get to know one another, feel ready to share their own stories, and listen to one another. During this part, the facilitators:
  1. Introduced themselves and the primary goals of the dialogue, ensuring the clarity and transparency of the process.
  2. Organized introductions among the participants and divided them into groups for further discussion.
  1. Facilitated dialogue. The goal of this part was the group discussion of key issues brought forward by Civil Network OPORA. Within this part, the facilitators:
    1. Explained the key principles upon which the dialogue would be built and familiarized the participants with the plan for further discussion.
    2. Moderated the group discussion of questions and the presentation of group findings by representatives from each group.
    3. Moderated individual reflections based on the results of the discussions.
  2. Closing part. The purpose of this part was to obtain individual responses from the participants to two additional questions, explain the value of such discussions to the attendees, and encourage them to maintain contact. During this part, the facilitators:
    1. Posed two additional questions to the participants, the answers to which were to be individual. The responses were provided in writing and collected by the facilitators.
    2. Organized a final "sharing circle" for discussion and informal networking after the conclusion of the dialogue.

The facilitated dialogue was based on several key principles (see the table below), with which the participants were familiarized before the discussion began.

Principles of Facilitated Dialogue

Respect

Dialogue is a collective process of listening and exchanging opinions. All opinions are important. In a dialogue, we do not try to convince one another of our expertise; on the contrary, we treat the thoughts of others as an opportunity to update and improve our own opinions, ideas, and visions. Respect ensures the safe environment that we strive to create during our conversation.

Empathy

Dialogue provides the opportunity to hear opinions that may differ from your own point of view, values, convictions, or faith. This diversity offers a chance to accept and listen to different opinions with empathy and an attempt to put oneself in another person's shoes. Such an approach strengthens trust.

Balance of Expectations

A dialogue does not always reach a specific result or agreement regarding concrete actions. The group will not necessarily reach a consensus, and it can be expected that finalizing recommendations may require a compromise from everyone.

Equality and Inclusion

Every participant has the opportunity to speak. The dialogue format promotes equal and inclusive participation. All opinions, ideas, and visions are equally significant and important.

Confidentiality

In communications, no references are made to names, nor is an individual’s contribution to the dialogue personified.

 

The key questions around which the discussion of the facilitated dialogue was organized were:

  • What connects you to Ukraine when you are far from home?
  • What motivates you to engage in socio-political life in Ukraine while being abroad? How can this be done?

In addition, during the closing part of the facilitated dialogue, the facilitators asked participants to provide anonymous written responses to two further questions:

  • One challenge you face while living abroad.
  • One thing that holds you back from returning to Ukraine. 

Given the sensitive nature of the topics discussed and the need to create a comfortable environment and a trusting atmosphere for participants, Civil Network OPORA deliberately did not conduct video or audio recording during the event. Instead, during the dialogue, representatives of Civil Network OPORA took notes on key discussion points while maintaining confidentiality, a fact communicated to the participants in advance. Furthermore, photography was conducted during the event, and those present provided prior written consent.

Final Stage

During the third and concluding stage, the preliminary findings obtained during the facilitated dialogue were structured and systematized for further analysis. The results were anonymized, digitized, and processed by OPORA analysts. Subsequently, the discussion results were categorized into thematic blocks and documented. Generalized conclusions were also prepared and later integrated into the final report.

Community

Madrid (March 28, 2026)

Location: Cultural and Educational Centre "Spilka — Moya Ukraina" (“Union — My Ukraine”). Madrid, Calle Fernando Ortiz 2, 28041.

Number of participants: 17.

Co-organizers: Ukrainian Women's Union in Spain