Dialogue with the Ukrainian Community in Ireland
This material was produced as part of the project “Inclusive Dialogues for Democratic Reform in Ukraine,” funded by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Ireland. However, the views expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the official policy of the Government of Ireland.
Civil Network OPORA expresses its gratitude to Ukrainian Action in Ireland for their assistance in organizing the facilitated dialogue.
Contents
Question 1. What Connects You to Ukraine When You Are Far From Home? 6
Awareness and Support of Ukrainian Identity 6
Connection with the State and Business 10
Ways of Engaging in Socio-political Life in Ukraine 11
Expert Engagement and Knowledge Exchange 12
Awareness-raising and Educational Activities 13
Motivation to Engage in Socio-political Processes in Ukraine 15
Supporting Ukrainian Communities Abroad 23
Analysis of Individual Answers 25
Additional Question 1. One Challenge You Face While Living Abroad 26
Additional Question 2. One Thing That Holds You Back from Returning to Ukraine 27
Introduction
The forced displacement of millions of Ukrainian citizens abroad has become one of the most massive consequences of the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. According to the Civil Network OPORA, as of May 2026, approximately 8.9 million Ukrainians were outside Ukraine, although the actual figure varies depending on the accounting methodologies used by Ukrainian and international institutions. This figure demonstrates not only a series of demographic challenges that Ukraine will face in the coming years, such as risks to social cohesion, the labour market, and reintegration policies, but also poses a fundamental question for the Ukrainian state: how to maintain a connection with millions of its citizens scattered across the globe and how to involve them in the country's socio-political life.
This scale of external migration requires coordinated policies both at the national level and in cooperation with host countries. A necessary condition for developing effective state policy regarding Ukrainians abroad is an understanding of the needs, expectations, and potential forms of engagement of this community. For this reason, as part of a series of facilitated dialogues that have already taken place in Lithuania (Vilnius), the United Kingdom (Preston, Manchester, Liverpool), Germany (Berlin), Poland (Warsaw), and Italy (Rome), Civil Network OPORA held a dialogue with the Ukrainian community in Ireland (Dublin) in March 2026. The next stage involves conducting a similar discussion in Spain.
Since February 24, 2022, approximately 127,000 Ukrainian citizens have received temporary protection in Ireland. According to The Times, between July 2022 and March 2026, around 28,000 Irish households hosted approximately 64,000 Ukrainian refugees. Compared to other countries, the absolute number of Ukrainians in Ireland is notably lower. However, the proportion of Ukrainians relative to the country's total population is quite high, standing at approximately 2.4%. Furthermore, Ireland was among the first countries to announce the development of policies aimed at encouraging the return of Ukrainian citizens to Ukraine. In particular, throughout 2026, the Irish government is preparing to terminate housing contracts for approximately 16,000 Ukrainians and offer them "generous assistance" to return home.
Civil Network OPORA met with the Ukrainian community in Dublin to better understand the challenges Ukrainians face in Ireland, their needs for interaction with the Ukrainian state and society, and to outline potential initiatives for strengthening the community and supporting Ukrainian citizens in the context of their return to Ukraine. OPORA expresses its sincere gratitude to Ukrainian Action in Ireland for their assistance in organizing the event.
Key Findings
Civil Network OPORA held a facilitated dialogue in the Irish capital, Dublin, to systematize the experiences of Ukrainian communities abroad, develop strategies for their interaction with Ukraine's democratic institutions and civil society, and ultimately establish a shared understanding of the problems, needs, and methods for involving Ukrainian citizens abroad in policy-making within Ukraine. 30 people participated in the dialogue.
OPORA identified what connects Ukrainians abroad with Ukraine, their motivations for engaging in socio-political life, and the tools they know and use for this purpose. Furthermore, we explored the challenges Ukrainians face abroad and the factors deterring them from returning to Ukraine.
- The primary factor maintaining the participants' connection with Ukraine is their Ukrainian identity, which they consciously uphold despite living abroad. Respondents noted that leaving Ukraine not only failed to weaken but sometimes even strengthened their sense of belonging to the country. Key elements in preserving this identity include language, culture, traditions, and religion. At the same time, the language issue remains a source of tension within the community: a portion of Ukrainians in Ireland continues to use Russian—a fact participants attribute to conscious choice and the cultural environment in which a significant number of Ukrainians were raised.
- Participants of the dialogue feel an emotional bond with Ukraine through their love for the country, hope for victory, and a desire to return. They specifically mentioned a sense of shared pain and anger caused by the war.
- Personal and social ties are among the most important ways of maintaining contact with Ukraine. Family, friends, and colleagues in Ukraine, as well as connections with the Ukrainian community in Ireland, play a key role. Meanwhile, respondents noted that the Ukrainian community in Ireland is fragmented and decentralized, which, on one hand, fosters a pluralism of opinions but, on the other, complicates coordination.
- Participants view volunteering and socio-political activity as vital ways to maintain a connection with their homeland and contribute to its victory. Among the most common forms of participation are supporting the Armed Forces of Ukraine, volunteering, and information and advocacy work both among the Irish public and within the community.
- Citizenship and possession of a Ukrainian passport remain key symbols of belonging to the state for the participants. For younger respondents, education serves as an important channel of connection: some study at Ukrainian universities in parallel with local studies, consciously maintaining ties with the country for a future return. The role of the Ukrainian media landscape was also specifically emphasized.
- Supporting Ukrainian businesses—both in Ukraine and abroad—is also an important element of maintaining connection with Ukraine: respondents purchase Ukrainian goods, support Ukrainian entrepreneurs, and some continue to work for Ukrainian companies remotely from abroad.
- Among the key motivations for engaging in socio-political life in Ukraine, respondents cited emotional factors (love for Ukraine, fear of losing statehood), the need to be active citizens, and a vision of engagement as an investment in the future (the desire for victory, the creation of a secure Ukraine, and the possibility of returning).
- Among the ways to engage in Ukraine's socio-political life, participants highlighted several key areas. In the sphere of political participation, e-democracy tools, such as electronic petitions and participatory budgets, were mentioned most frequently as convenient and accessible mechanisms for exercising influence from abroad; meanwhile, participation in elections remains limited due to institutional barriers.
- An important for involvement in Ukraine's socio-political life is the exchange of experience and expertise: participants emphasized their readiness to share knowledge gained in Ireland and adapt it to Ukrainian realities. As benchmarks for Ukraine, they cited the experiences of the Irish and Israeli diasporas, which have developed sophisticated tools for engaging citizens abroad in the life of their home country.
- A distinct area of engagement in Ukraine's socio-political life is economic participation: donations to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine and volunteer initiatives, supporting Ukrainian manufacturing, and promoting Ukrainian goods abroad.
- Another way to engage in Ukraine's socio-political life is through the support and development of the local community: working with children and adolescents, structuring the activities of Ukrainian organizations abroad, and exchanging experiences between diasporas in different countries.
- Among the barriers to participation, participants primarily identified a lack of unity within the community: duplication of organizational efforts, the prevalence of personal ambitions over the common cause, and an inability to listen to one another. Additionally, some participants pointed to a feeling that the state does not respond to their inquiries—though other attendees disputed this claim, calling for more persistent communication with institutions.
- Among the key requests to the Ukrainian state, respondents cited the establishment of stable communication between the community and government bodies (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Office of the President, the Verkhovna Rada, and the Ombudsman's Office), along with increasing awareness of their respective mandates. Other requests included expanding the consular capacities in Ireland to match the community's growth; conducting a census of Ukrainians; and systematic preparation for potential elections, including the compilation of voter lists and ongoing consultations with the Irish side regarding necessary permits for additional polling stations. Respondents also called for the creation of a unified information space for the community, financial support for Ukrainian schools and NGOs, and the promotion of Ukrainian business development in Ireland.
- The most significant challenges faced by Ukrainians in Ireland include the language barrier, slow integration, uncertainty regarding migration status after temporary protection ends, financial instability, limited access to consular services, a lack of support for those pursuing education in Ireland, and a sense of social isolation from loved ones back in Ukraine.
- Among the reasons deterring people from returning, security risks and the continuation of the war predominate, particularly destroyed housing or the occupation of one's hometown. Additional factors include economic instability in Ukraine, integration into Irish society, distrust of the Ukrainian authorities, and corruption. At the same time, some participants view staying abroad as a conscious mission—acquiring knowledge and experience for the future reconstruction of Ukraine..
Discussion Results
Question 1. What Connects You to Ukraine When You Are Far From Home?
The first question raised for discussion during the facilitated dialogue aimed to identify which objects, emotions, ties, experiences, and feelings among the participants evoke the strongest sense of unity with Ukraine and Ukrainian society, despite being abroad.
Respondents mentioned various aspects of their connection to Ukraine, which can be broadly divided into the following main categories:
- Awareness and conscious support of one's own Ukrainian identity;
- Maintenance of emotional and social ties with the Ukrainian community abroad and in Ukraine;
- Preservation of ties with the state and businesses.
All three categories of connection are of equal value. It cannot be argued that any one of them is more or less important to the discussion participants.
Awareness and Support of Ukrainian Identity
According to the dialogue participants, the most vital element of their connection to Ukraine is their Ukrainian identity. Even respondents who have been living in Ireland for a long time emphasized that they consider themselves first and foremost Ukrainian; for them, moving abroad did not weaken their identity but rather fostered a deeper awareness of it. Furthermore, respondents mentioned that being in Ireland’s entirely different cultural, linguistic, and symbolic environment encouraged them to redefine themselves and their values. For many, preserving this identity is a key priority for themselves, their children, and their relatives. They also noted that Ukrainian society possesses unique characteristics and traits that they recognize within themselves.
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Preserving identity. Self-redefinition. We have redefined ourselves here, and Ukrainians back in Ukraine have done the same. Hard work. In those first days and months when we arrived—where to live, what to do, how to help the family, not knowing the language. But we all pushed through in terms of language and knowledge. This is part of our identity and mentality: we must work, we must break through. Love of freedom. I think this sums up all the dialogues. |
Participants of the dialogue most frequently maintain their Ukrainian identity by reproducing its various elements. In particular, respondents mentioned that they keep their connection to Ukraine alive by preserving traditions and culture even outside the country. For many of them, national cuisine, religion, and faith are also vital components of Ukrainian identity.
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We are drawn to our culture. Someone brought their cultural habits from Ukraine. For example, once every two weeks, we gather as a family to eat borscht, talk, and laugh. Borscht is the personification of everything we have. It represents family warmth and the way we set the table for the holidays. Religion and faith. Some churches try to hold services in Ukrainian, but it is not the same. We lack Ukrainian churches. |
When discussing their cultural connection to Ukraine, respondents devoted the most attention to the Ukrainian language. According to those surveyed, language plays a vital role in the context of self-identification: it serves as a sign of being "among one’s own people."
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I would like to quote Viacheslav Chornovil, who said in the 1990s that no matter where I am, I will always be understood. The Ukrainian language always unites us. I think the most important thing that unites us is language. Even [earlier], I was told that we had an enemy. At that time, there was a shop called "Kozak." It wasn't ours. I knew it wasn't our shop and who owned it. Even then, we were uniting with other Ukrainians and saying, "No, no, no—you can't go there." |
The issue of using the Ukrainian versus Russian language among Ukrainians abroad sparked heated debate among the attendees. According to dialogue participants, a noticeable portion of Ukrainians in Ireland still use Russian in their daily communication. This stance causes frustration for some respondents, as they believe that by choosing Russian, parents are habituating their children to it as well, which only solidifies the linguistic problem for the next generation.
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I come from a family of the repressed. When my ancestors returned to Ukraine as the Soviet Union was collapsing, my parents were already switching to the Ukrainian language and made us speak it. When I arrived [in Ireland], I sought out Ukrainians and tried to find the Ukrainian language. There was an instance where a girl approached me and asked: "Why are you speaking Ukrainian?" I said: "I’m sorry, but what should I be speaking? Chinese or Ukrainian?" And she said: "What’s the difference?" Honestly, it brought me so low. You see, people are still saying "What’s the difference?" Indifference. And you cannot prove to such a person that by doing this, you are continuing to promote Russian to your children. I don't know—it just makes me want to scream. I cannot understand why some people don't realize that you are continuing to drag along something that isn't needed. |
Similarly, disappointment was expressed regarding the fact that some Ukrainians abroad attend the Russian Orthodox Church. Respondents voiced their outrage, noting that money brought to this church goes to Patriarch Kirill, who blesses the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
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It hurts that a large number of the “what's the difference” Ukrainians go to the Russian Orthodox Church, pay for candles, and make donations. And with that money, they are killing our soldiers and our civilians. How do we resist this? Stand by the church and catch them, saying, "People, what are you doing? Who are you paying? Kirill?" Especially when there is the Orthodox Church of Ukraine—our own—and when the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church has been active for so many years? I have been going there for many years. We collect donations for the frontline there. We collect for orphans. There, we sing: the entire congregation is on its knees for victory after every service. The whole church and the priest are on their knees, and we all pray for victory. We sing the national anthem there. That is what’s Ukrainian. But no, they go to Kirill. And tell me, how much money is Ireland transferring for weapons [compared to this]? How do we fight this? How? I don’t know. I try; I explain it in private conversations. I tell them: "You have the option to choose our own, something Ukrainian." And they answer me: "What’s the difference? I feel uncomfortable there." |
At the same time, other respondents emphasized that the use of Russian is often a result of the cultural environment in which certain groups of Ukrainian society were raised, rather than a conscious political choice. These participants stressed that it is important not to blame people for using the Russian language, but rather to promote a gradual "Ukrainization" that would further strengthen their connection to Ukraine.
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I have spoken a lot with our community. We have so many people from Kharkiv, Donetsk, Luhansk, and Odesa. And they are just as Ukrainian. They get a bit offended by this. They might be Russian-speaking because they never had another chance. I know this because I work with children—this is also a question for our authorities. After 2014, when our war began, children were still being taught in school in Russian. There are children who left in 2022 who truly don't know Ukrainian because there were no books. So, this might not just be a question for these people and children, but also for our government; there should have been a truly "gentle Ukrainization." Bit by bit in schools, so that it would become natural for people. My late grandmother was a teacher of Ukrainian language and literature. She raised me with Ukrainian culture and literature. I remember, during the Revolution of Dignity, I was staying with her for winter break. I asked: "Why did this happen? And why do we have this problem where some speak Russian and others speak Ukrainian?" My grandmother looked at me and said the problem is that people raised in the East grew up in a different culture. My grandfather was born in the Khmelnytskyi region, but he moved to the Dnipropetrovsk region with his parents. When I would visit there every two years and speak Ukrainian, people looked at me like I was an alien. They’d say, "Oh, boy, what a strange accent you have." And when I turned on the TV, it was mostly Russian channels. The problem is that, as the President said, people are not to blame for being in a Russian-speaking society. These language issues will disappear if we, as Ukrainians, stop dividing people and neighbours into those who speak Russian and those who speak Ukrainian. |
Some respondents mentioned that to maintain their connection with Ukraine, they choose Ukrainian content, specifically Ukrainian music. and use Ukrainian symbols and accessories. Participants also highlighted the importance of studying history: both the history of Ukraine as a state and personal family history, including the memory of previous generations.
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It’s Ukrainian music, even in English, that was very popular in our country. When you hear the music you used to listen to, it’s about memories and love for Ukraine. We bought a pin, a small Ukrainian flag, and we pinned it somewhere or displayed it. History is the most important part of our lives. In school, I hated history and didn't study it; I knew nothing about Ukraine. But when the war started, history became mandatory. I found a great tutor for the External Independent Evaluation, and she made me fall in love with history. It is vital for us to know our history. [What maintains the connection is] the memory of ancestors. Even of their graves. |
Emotional Ties
An equally important part of the connection to Ukraine for the dialogue participants is their emotional attachment to the motherland. Respondents mentioned feeling love for Ukraine and spoke of hope for victory and faith in Ukraine's future. Some linked the hope for Ukraine's success with their own desire to return to the country.
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Love for Ukraine. Many of us moved recently, but no matter how long someone has lived here, we are still united by love; we are drawn to our culture and habits. Faith in victory. Remember February 24, 2022. I was 15 years old. My mother was in tears. But there was never a feeling that we would lose. Our spirit never faltered, the belief that we would win remained, even among the soldiers I know. Desire for Ukraine's success: reconstruction and Ukraine's success in the future. Hope for return. There is such a desire. |
Some respondents also mentioned a connection to Ukraine through negative emotions, specifically through the pain and anger caused by the war and the destruction it has brought.
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The negativity that surrounds us: fear, pain. Everything the war has brought. |
Social Ties
In addition to personal and emotional ties to Ukraine, the dialogue participants noted the role of social connections that reinforce a sense of unity. They primarily mentioned personal ties with other Ukrainians, as well as participation in the socio-political life of Ukraine.
Personal Ties
Personal ties are among the most essential elements in maintaining the connection between Ukrainian citizens in Ireland and Ukraine. Respondents noted that family, friends, and professional relationships help them stay within the Ukrainian context. They also mentioned the importance of shared memories of the past: according to the dialogue participants, even if all other means of connecting with the country were to vanish, memories would remain with them forever.
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Family ties. Our family is what always unites us. Many have relatives in Ukraine. Not only mothers and fathers but also extended family, even though many people have left. Family and loved ones are what always bring us together. On an emotional level and a practical level, there are things that unite us. I think if we were to create our own pantheon, family would be among those things. Memories. Everything that we could have left from home. Not everyone has relatives or a home left, but memories hold us. A phone can break and photos can be deleted, but what is in our heads is what keeps us held to Ukraine, traditions, and family. |
Personal relationships with relatives and loved ones serving in the military remain a significant part of the connection to Ukraine for the respondents. The participants spoke of a sense of gratitude and respect toward service members.
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Gratitude to the Armed Forces of Ukraine and everyone defending Ukraine. |
In addition to ties with people in Ukraine, dialogue participants emphasized the importance of connections with the Ukrainian community in Ireland. According to the respondents, rallying with compatriots abroad helps them feel a sense of unity and maintain active initiatives supporting Ukraine. However, respondents noted that the Ukrainian community in Ireland is largely dispersed and decentralized, which simultaneously allows it to be more pluralistic.
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We must be united. This is very much lacking right now. Since 2008, there was one association. There were many large cultural events. We were very united. There were few of us, but we were more united than we are now. Now there are more Ukrainians here, but everyone is doing their own thing. On the other hand, this is very good because we have pluralism of opinion, there are different directions, and that is very important. We also have relationships among ourselves, within the country, with the diaspora. Perhaps they are not always ideal; sometimes one wants more tolerance or more national dignity from people. |
Socio-political Activity
Socio-political activity is an equally significant way for dialogue participants to maintain a connection with Ukraine. Respondents emphasized that the full-scale war forced Ukrainians to unite (though they noted this does not apply to all Ukrainian citizens) and imposes on them a sense of duty and a need to help the country while they live in a safe environment. Respondents indicated that they participate in volunteer activities, specifically by helping other Ukrainians in Ireland, as well as volunteering and transferring funds to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
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Unlike European countries, our Ukraine is bound by war every 50–100 years. The war united us, although I don't entirely agree that the war united u, because some of my relatives from Belarus or the Dnipropetrovsk region are not united. There is always a sense of guilt when you remember the soldiers on the front lines. A sense of duty will haunt us. Volunteering. This is not just about paid or unpaid work. When we move to another country, the first thing we do is look for what to do and where to learn the language. People come to help us. The Embassy. Helping with information, moving things. If you can help, it keeps us together. |
Connection with the State and Business
Ukrainians in Ireland also maintain a connection with Ukraine through interaction with the state and Ukrainian businesses. When discussing the link with the state, dialogue participants primarily noted access to public services and their legal ties to Ukraine. Conversely, respondents mostly mentioned Ukrainian businesses in the context of employment and the creation of a familiar environment outside of Ukraine.
State
Among ties to the state, Ukrainians in Ireland most frequently mentioned their legal belonging to Ukraine, specifically their citizenship and the Ukrainian passport. For some respondents, holding Ukrainian citizenship and a formal connection to the state is a vital element of their identity. Furthermore, respondents mentioned the responsibility that Ukrainian citizenship entails and expressed a readiness to contribute to Ukraine.
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Every one of us has "Ukrainian" written in our passports. This is something that will always unite us with the country and the state. I believe that what unites us, after all, is Ukrainian citizenship. This involves both rights and responsibilities. And what interests me most in this regard is what we, specifically as Ukrainian citizens abroad, can do for Ukraine, exercising this right and this responsibility. |
For younger respondents, the strongest connection to the Ukrainian state is maintained through Ukrainian education. Some of them noted that they strive to obtain not only a European education but a Ukrainian one as well, planning to eventually return to Ukraine and apply their acquired knowledge to support and rebuild the country. They also mentioned the role of the media space: according to the dialogue participants, they are constantly immersed in Ukraine's media environment, which also allows them to maintain a strong bond with it.
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I am studying in Dublin, at DCU, and at a university in Ukraine in international law and international relations. For me, education is how I can help Ukraine in the future. This applies to the youth because it is very important for us. I could drop out of the Ukrainian university and study only here, but I don’t want to. I want the development that a Ukrainian university provides. Educating the youth right now is fundamental. Many young people are leaving now, and many children have been taken to Russia. Therefore, we need to cultivate the "flower of the nation," and it must be intelligent. |
Business
Ukrainian businesses also play an important role in maintaining the connection between Ukrainians abroad and Ukraine. According to the dialogue participants, they try to help those who open businesses in Ukraine despite the war by ordering their products. Some respondents still work for Ukrainian companies from abroad, while others look for opportunities to fulfill their professional potential in Ireland just as they would have in Ukraine.
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Support for Ukrainian business both in Ukraine and abroad. We support people who open businesses in Ukraine despite the war. People are living their lives, starting their own ventures. If a cool brand has left the market, our people say: "No, I will still dress the same way". Our people produce things that are cooler than trendy brands. It is our mission to support what is Ukrainian. Work. Left-behind achievements. This is not just about material things, but everything we built up, how we grew. |
Question 2. What Motivates You to Engage in Socio-political Life in Ukraine While Being Abroad? How Can This Be Done?
The second question presented for discussion during the facilitated dialogue aimed at two key objectives:
- To identify which tools of socio-political participation the dialogue participants are aware of and which they have already utilized during their time abroad.
- To identify the motivations participants have for engaging in Ukraine's socio-political life while residing abroad.
Ways of Engaging in Socio-political Life in Ukraine
Most dialogue participants are actively involved in the life of the Ukrainian community in Ireland. They engage in volunteering and advocacy, collaborate with Ukrainian authorities, and work with Ukrainian children. However, respondents also emphasize that many other tools exist for engagement in the socio-political life of Ukraine: some of these they use actively, while others remain inaccessible to them due to logistical, institutional, and other barriers.
Political Participation
When discussing various ways to participate in the political life of Ukraine, the majority of dialogue participants in Ireland mentioned e-democracy tools, specifically the ability to create and vote for petitions and participatory budgets. They also mentioned participation in elections at various levels, though they pointed out a number of limitations and barriers that hinder the realization of this right (these will be explored in greater detail in the subsection "Requests to the State").
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First and foremost, voting. Creating petitions in Ukraine. Participatory budgets in Ukraine. |
Expert Engagement and Knowledge Exchange
One of the most important ways of engaging in the socio-political life of Ukraine that dialogue participants consider for themselves is the exchange of experience and expertise. According to the respondents, they have acquired valuable knowledge and skills in Ireland, and have learned about various ways to address everyday and social issues. They emphasized that they are ready to share this experience with the community in Ukraine. In particular, they mentioned the experiences of mobilizing diasporas for socio-political life in Ireland and Israel, urging Ukraine to study and use the tools used by these nations. Some respondents shared their own success stories of implementing foreign practices in Ukrainian realities, specifically in the field of inclusive infrastructure.
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I think that all the experiences we gain in other countries, and the developments we see there, are very important. The mechanics we can apply in our own country re important. I believe it is vital for us to absorb them and then bring them back home to our country. If we say that we live in Europe, it is crucial for us to absorb this experience. We can adapt it in Ukraine. I don't have a strict set of instructions on how to do this. But if we look at Israel, a model we are moving toward, they have many people abroad who already have ready-made tools that we could also look into. The same goes for Ireland: the majority of Irish people live outside of Ireland, meaning the population within the country is much smaller than the one abroad. And yet, look at the investments they have now attracted to Ireland with the help of people living overseas. In other words, the tools exist; we just need to study and implement them. There are many tools, and they were created a long time ago. There is the Ukrainian World Congress. There are diasporas. We are in touch with our colleagues. Regarding how we can take the experience we gain here and bring it back to Ukraine later—that is exactly what happened to me. When I lived here for the first time, I was managing a project on diversity and inclusion. When I returned to Ukraine, I realized that I barely saw people with disabilities on the streets. We started digging into this story to figure out why. Of course, it was the infrastructure, and so much more stems from that. So we created a project—an interactive map for people with limited mobility. We were among the first in Ukraine to start talking about infrastructure, barrier-free access, and inclusion, and we even won an award from the European Union. Unfortunately, when the invasion happened, we were asked to shut down access to it. But that is just one such example. |
Economic Participation
Representatives of the Ukrainian community in Ireland frequently mentioned that they engage in the socio-political life of Ukraine through the use of various economic tools. They spoke about transferring funds to support the military or volunteer initiatives, and about supporting Ukrainian manufacturing. According to the respondents, they aim to promote Ukrainian goods outside of Ukraine, but often encounter legislative or logistical restrictions.
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Economic support. Working to help Ukraine. The volunteer movement in Ukraine relies entirely on donations. Ukraine's budget relies on grants and aid from the EU. We need to keep supporting Ukraine; we have more opportunities here. Supporting everything Ukrainian (businesses, goods, literature). We have so much great manufacturing. We have fantastic, high-quality products. I just want to promote, develop, and distribute them. Why can China do it, but Ukraine can't? And once again, we come back to the exact same issue of exports. In most cases, you get spokes put in your wheels instead of the positive support that would help you grow. And you want to return those investments back to Ukraine later. |
Awareness-raising and Educational Activities
Participants noted that advocacy and educational activities are another way for them to participate in the socio-political life of Ukraine. According to the respondents, they feel a need to tell foreigners about the events in Ukraine, as foreigners often do not realize that the war is still ongoing. There is also a need for educational work among other Ukrainians abroad, particularly in spreading information about Russian services so that Ukrainians do not use them in their work. For some respondents, countering disinformation is vital. The respondents emphasized that to effectively counter hostile narratives, they must constantly follow the news and stay connected with Ukraine.
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Engaging in educational and advocacy activities among both the Irish and Ukrainians. Countering disinformation. When you meet a foreigner, and they still ask you: “Is the war still ongoing?” Back in 2022, we launched a podcast about the war in Ukrainian and English. At first, we were swarmed by bots. But our goal is to counter disinformation. Because when we remain silent, someone else starts speaking. Not everyone has to make a podcast, but it is important to be a mouthpiece. I represent the beauty industry; I own two beauty salons. I noticed that my colleagues use the "Tilda" service, and Ukrainians use it too, which means direct taxes going to our aggressor. Fundraisers are hosted on "Tilda," which is an aggressor's service that pays taxes over there. As an active person with a civic stance, I thought about what I could do. I recorded a series of informational videos. I try to reach out to salons that operate there and explain it to them in a very respectful manner. Because, as it turned out, you can migrate your entire database to another platform very smoothly. I believe everyone can do something in their own place. The main thing is to do it with respect. It's crucial that we don't descend into conflict, and when it's done with respect, it works. What can we do? We can simply spread information right where we are. We are all doing something here in our respective places, and simply by sharing our views, speaking our language, and supporting what is ours, we are already sowing the seeds. There is no other way. |
Supporting Local Community
For many participants, a key way to engage in the socio-political life of Ukraine is by supporting the Ukrainian community in Ireland. During the discussion, respondents spoke about three key directions for community development. The first focused on the personal growth of Ukrainian citizens abroad. Some noted that long-term involvement in volunteer work, combined with the need to sustain their lives abroad, leads to burnout and exhaustion. They also spoke about the need to grow professionally, pursue education, and acquire new skills abroad to use them in Ukraine later on. Certain respondents mentioned the necessity of psychological support for Ukrainians who found themselves abroad due to Russia's full-scale invasion.
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We need to start taking care of ourselves. Since 2022, we have been working hard, investing a lot, and burning out. One of the principles of volunteering is that to stay alive, you need water, you have to fill your own cup before you can share with others. We need to start by making sure we are okay ourselves. Taking care of ourselves, our health. Only then will we have the resource to help others. Personal and professional development. We must learn and become better. Such wonderful professionals, like the ones present here, have to study to become the future intellectual elite of Ukraine. By becoming better ourselves, we can make Ukraine better. Psychological support. We must support ourselves and support Ukrainians back in Ukraine. We must take care of our own mental health while helping Ukraine. Ukrainians abroad specifically seek out the services of Ukrainian psychologists. |
Participants see another direction for the growth of the Ukrainian community in Ireland in the development of the community itself. Specifically, respondents mentioned that certain diaspora organizations (including the Ukrainian World Congress) are actively working to unite the Ukrainian community in Ireland, structure its operations, and prevent the duplication of roles. Respondents also noted the important role of gatherings bringing together various community representatives to discuss pressing issues and search for common solutions. In particular, they spoke about the need for shared discussions on what truly unites Ukrainians abroad. Furthermore, some of the participants mentioned the necessity of exchanging experiences between diaspora representatives in different countries, which, in the respondents' view, will make their work more effective.
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This year has been declared a year of unity, a year of coming together. Right now, we are planning to organize a forum to call upon Ukrainian communities, to unite all our Ukrainian communities around patriotism, volunteering, and everything we have discussed here. We want to be united as one so that we can help Ukraine as a collective community. This work of defining what unites us is incredibly important. If we want to unite, we must understand what binds us together. That is why it's great that someone is doing this work. When we say, "Let’s unite," we, as people, must understand that we are all different. Exchange of experience: communicating with other Ukrainian communities to see what they are doing and what we can improve. |
Another way to develop the Ukrainian community abroad is through investment in the education and development of children who live abroad. According to the dialogue participants, many children who moved to Ireland now do not understand the Ukrainian language and know nothing about Ukraine, Ukrainian history, and culture. Currently, as the respondents emphasize, work with children is done solely on a volunteer basis, and the state barely invests in their development, which could become a significant challenge for the Ukrainian state in the future.
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I think we need to practice a gentle Ukrainization and start with the children. As it happened, this year I started working with children from the age of six. They speak English among themselves because it's easier for them. They sit and play, and we bit by bit, some in Russian, some in Ukrainian, some in English. We translate, we try step by step because unfortunately, we cannot change the minds of older people. We have to invest everything into the children. We work as volunteers at a Youth Club run by an Irish youth organization. Once a week, we meet with the children for two hours. But the situation is actually very critical because our war has been going on for four years now, and the children left when they were still quite small. Sometimes you speak to them, and a child tells you: "I don't understand what you are saying to me." We try to bring up things related to Ukrainian symbols, Ukrainian cities, some interesting facts about Ukraine. We do it, we try, but we are not teachers. We do this on a volunteer basis, and we only meet once a week. I know that an hour and a half away from Dublin, there is a Sunday school. But again, that's just two hours. If we look at the experience of other countries, in Poland, for instance, there are Ukrainian schools funded by the state. After all, many people still dream of returning. I had five-year-old children coming to me, but they arrived speaking only Russian, while other children speak only Ukrainian. And they translate into English just to understand each other. So the language issue is actually quite critical, and it's going to be difficult. We need to place a heavy emphasis on our children and teenagers. I have two children of my own, and I know how hard it was to integrate. As an art therapist, I also worked in a school here myself. I see how and what they are going through. And while it might seem easy for them—as if you just drop them into society, give them a book, a toy, and provide some activities—no. It doesn't work that way. |
Motivation to Engage in Socio-political Processes in Ukraine
The key motivations for dialogue participants in Ireland to engage in Ukraine's socio-political processes include various emotional factors, the need to be active citizens of Ukraine, and viewing their involvement as an investment in the future—both their own and that of the country.
Emotional Factors
Respondents noted that for them, engagement in the socio-political life of Ukraine is a result of the emotional attachment they feel toward Ukraine and Ukrainian society. According to them, they are active because they see this as an expression of love and a desire to help Ukraine and be useful.
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Love for Ukraine. The desire to be useful to Ukraine. These are irrational things. The desire to help Ukraine. |
Participants also spoke that they are frequently motivated by fear: they fear that Ukraine could lose its statehood, and they would be unable to return home. This motivation is compounded by the fear of uncertainty: even four years after leaving the country, many respondents do not feel settled abroad, and thus long for a more stable life by returning to Ukraine after the war ends. Additionally, some respondents shared that they fear being excluded from the Ukrainian context if they remain indifferent to the events happening back home.
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Fear. It is not just an emotion; it is a very physical thing. Even if you file a lawsuit in court, your fear will be measured as a physical characteristic. The fear of losing statehood. We want to preserve our identity. We don't want to wake up one day and realize we no longer have a country. To find out that we have nowhere to bring our children back to, no Homeland. The fear of uncertainty. Those who have just arrived don't know what awaits them in the future. We don't know what lies ahead at all: what will happen to Ukraine, to us, and to our children. The fear of being excluded from the Ukrainian context. |
Need to Be Active Citizens
Among the participants in the dialogue, it was quite frequently acknowledged that their involvement in Ukraine's socio-political life is a way of demonstrating an active civic stance. Most respondents are involved in volunteering, raise funds to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine, participate in cultural, educational, and other events in support of Ukraine, and actively communicate with the Ukrainian state and representatives of the Ukrainian authorities. According the participants, they are unable to stand aside from the Ukrainian context because, in general, they cannot remain indifferent to sensitive issues, both in Ukraine and abroad. Furthermore, they note that they feel a need to be heard and to maintain their connection with Ukraine.
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Feeling like a part of Ukrainian society. Not everyone is active. It is important that this is fuelled by a connection with Ukraine. It is important for Ukraine to provide this feeling. Many people really need this. We have no other choice but to be a fully-fledged part of society. The hope to be heard. Sharing experiences. This experience of living in Ireland can be of use to us. Patriotism. We are proud to be Ukrainians. |
At the same time, respondents emphasized that their need to be active citizens is often a conscious choice. According to the participants, civic activism is part of the Ukrainian mentality, and they strive to realize their desire to engage in active socio-political life by influencing changes in the country.
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Civic rights. This stems from our mentality. One of the oldest constitutions is ours. Without this, we are not Ukrainians. Everyone knows this, it has already been studied, and it is recognized worldwide as our core value. Therefore, civic rights are extremely important to us. Consciousness. We consciously choose to come here instead of sleeping; we consciously choose to listen to others. It would be very easy to tune out, but we don't do that. Every day we make a choice: to be engaged or not. The opportunity to have an impact. Right now, we have to exert influence. We have reached a point where we cannot just go with the flow and wait for someone else to make an impact.The opportunity to influence changes. I am not reforming the UN, but every small action transforms into change. |
In addition, the participants noted that they are motivated by a desire to preserve Ukrainian heritage and reform problematic areas in Ukraine. The respondents emphasized that during their time abroad, they have gained significant experience in various spheres, which they are ready to help implement in Ukraine. For some respondents, an additional motivation is the fact that reforms are taking place in Ukraine even during the active phase of the war. This pushes them to engage in Ukrainian socio-political life more frequently.
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The desire to preserve heritage. To collect, archive, and pass it on to future generations. The desire for radical change. This is not just about the start of the full-scale invasion, but even before that. There are questions for the authorities as to why there were Russian-language books for schools since 2014. One could talk a lot about it, but in 2022, this issue became more pressing than ever. Sharing experiences. This experience of living in Ireland can be of use to us. I think we haven't mentioned reforms, namely, supporting reforms in Ukraine and the desire to help. I encounter this in my daily life. At this very table, there were debates about how to combat corruption in Ukraine and what forms it takes. Anti-corruption reform is also one of these reforms. I think the desire to be involved in them, and the fact that these reforms are happening in Ukraine despite the war, is what truly motivates us to keep working. |
Investment in the Future
An additional motivation for the dialogue participants is the conviction that their work in support of Ukraine will ultimately lead to a stronger state that is better prepared to endure during the war. Respondents spoke about their belief in Ukraine's victory in the war and their desire to contribute to building a safer life in the country.
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Belief in a bright future and victory. Faith and the desire for victory. Safety. We all want Ukraine to be a safe country. And many of these actions are our contribution to making Ukraine safer. Sitting here in Dublin, we have the privilege of not being under bombs. This gives us a much greater advantage compared to those people who perform heroic deeds while continuing to work inside Ukraine. Therefore, we must help Ukraine establish safety within Ukraine. |
The respondents also mentioned that children motivate them to engage in the socio-political life of Ukraine. According to them, Ukrainian children abroad feel lonely and abandoned, which affects their mental and emotional health. Conversely, inside Ukraine, as the dialogue participants stated, adults often treat children improperly. Specifically, the unethical treatment of children in schools, which makes teenagers less willing to study and reluctant to return to Ukraine, was mentioned.
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I still want to talk a little bit about the children because, as it happened, I’ve been volunteering since the very first days, initially with teenagers. Why did it happen that way? Because when my own children arrived, they retreated into a corner. They didn't want to see or hear anything. They had no friends; their friends remained in Ukraine—some left, some didn't. Then I was asked to open a club for Ukrainian teenagers as a volunteer. I took that job right away. The children came to me with their stories. Girls who had never seen their mothers, boys who had never seen their fathers or, on the contrary, had lost someone. Children who just wanted to be hugged. A girl who, pardon me, didn't know how to choose a bra because her mother had never explained it to her because her mother wasn't looking after her. And the most terrifying trend for me was that the children do not want to return to Ukraine. They are comfortable here; they are comfortable at school because at school, what do they do? They spoil them here. And they are treated well; no one barks at them. My daughter comes home to me and says: "Mom, how can this be? In Ukraine, I am stupid, I am dumb, they gave me a seven in English and told me I had bad pronunciation. But here, in an Irish country where people speak English, they told me: 'Excellent pronunciation,' and gave me an award. Why should I drag myself back to a school where no one respects me?" And there are so many cases like this. It really terrified me. How can this be? Our own teachers destroy children's desire to study in our schools. |
Barriers to Participation
Speaking about the barriers to participating in Ukraine's socio-political life, the participants mostly mentioned the lack of unity and cohesion within the community. According to them, many Ukrainian organizations abroad duplicate each other's activities because they simply do what they see fit. However, in the respondents' view, this approach is actually a losing one, and the key reason preventing different organizations from reaching an agreement and dividing responsibilities among themselves is the lack of ability to truly listen to one another. The participants called for learning unity, drawing inspiration from representatives of the Irish civic sector.
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It seems to me that the trait we need most is learning to hear and listen to each other. This is because Ukrainian civil society in Ukraine, and we as Ukrainians, are a very horizontal nation. We have been functioning this way for decades. You can't just tell everyone to do the exact same thing because organizations will do what they like. But sometimes we need to learn how to cooperate. Take the Irish society as an example: they are also a horizontal nation, but they possess a unique trait. They know how to hear and listen to one another. They know that everyone is interconnected. No one can replace anyone else, but this ability to listen helps solve problems, and as a result, the strongest diasporas are formed. |
Another challenge that respondents see before them is the dominance of personal ambitions over the common cause. As those surveyed noted, many representatives of the Ukrainian civic sector in Ireland are active and successful individuals who had a wealth of resources and opportunities back in Ukraine. However, this successful past experience sometimes prevents them from setting aside their own ambitions and communicating with others as equals. This, in turn, significantly slows down the development of the Ukrainian community in Ireland.
Respondents also mentioned a lack of mutual acceptance: often due to certain character flaws or disagreements with specific positions or views, people refuse to communicate and cooperate. It is also worth noting that following the conclusion of the dialogue, younger representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora in Ireland approached OPORA with a request to hold a separate dialogue specifically for youth. According to them, they disagree with the opinions of the older generation but do not feel comfortable enough to express their thoughts during joint discussions. This is also a sign of a lack of respect for different opinions and experiences, and it hinders effective cooperation. The respondents called for being more open and tolerant toward people who hold different experiences and viewpoints.
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What gets in our way, both in Ukraine and here? Especially for those who haven’t been living here long. Ambitions. We, Ukrainians who achieved something back home in our country, carry these ambitions, this crown, with us. And it is very difficult, especially for people with strong characters, those who accomplished something in Ukraine. I think many smart people chose Ireland. Sure, there are some people who ended up here accidentally, but a huge number of people did some reading, gave it some thought. They didn’t choose Ireland for no reason. And these ambitions, unfortunately, are getting in the way of our communication right now. If adults cannot communicate properly, that is a problem. We have to realize that the problem is within us. Not in Ireland, not in the war. We brought this problem with us. It’s our family tree, which gives us the strength to endure and fight Russia, but at the same time, it halts our proper integration and communication in another country. Ambition is great, but in a different context. Sometimes we don’t realize that we need to tone down our ambitions in a purely professional sense so that people can help us. In other words, we think, "These people aren't on my level," when in fact, these exact people could make fireworks happen in any community. Sometimes we don't listen to the people we really need to listen to. You know how a single salesperson can ruin the operations of a huge company. It works that way everywhere. I believe what gets in our way is the lack of acceptance of one another, with all our flaws, visions, or values. This is what keeps us from uniting here, on Irish soil. Some volunteers choose to serve Ukraine through churches, others through schools. Some do it by supporting the military, while others can do all of this at the same time. For example, someone who helps the army a lot might not be here today. And it’s crucial for us to unite into a single structure and accept everyone: how they do it and how much they do, whether it’s a lot or a little, whether they are a large-scale volunteer or a small-scale one, and that is how this knowledge will form. And when a person wears a crown and thinks, "I'm doing great, everything is perfect, why should I...?" It has to be through accepting everyone just as they are. Take those who don't speak the Ukrainian language completely yet, unlike people from Western Ukraine. We are from Odesa. We feel this issue a little bit. Yes, I run a school too, and there is an issue when parents come and speak Russian at the school. So, we decided for ourselves to be open: not to say, “You can't do that.” On the school premises, we speak Ukrainian. If you go out into the yard, you can speak however you want there, but we remain open so that people feel welcome to join us. |
Speaking about how this problem can be solved, the dialogue participants emphasized that, first and foremost, people need to work on their own perception and reaction to certain individuals or events. Those surveyed stressed that it is important to take responsibility oneself and take the first steps toward building high-quality relationships within the community, as well as implementing necessary reforms both in Ukraine and abroad.
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First of all, one must look at oneself. This applies to the country, the language, and anything else. Understand your own flaws and what you yourself can do. It’s easy to say that someone else lacks the skills or the capability, but looking at and accepting what you can't do or are doing wrong is much harder. I'll give a very simple example. I moved to Dublin when I was 19, but for two years before that, I lived and went to school in a very small town. There were a lot of Ukrainians there. Every time I would walk with my friends, I’d see how they looked at others: someone was either being loud or saying something, and it was always, "Oh my God," with dirty looks. Meanwhile, those other people would look at us the exact same way and say the exact same things. In other words, we are exactly the same, yet we look at others and throw dirt at them. This is an inferiority complex. So, first and foremost, you need to look at yourself, and only then can you find some path toward unity and cohesion. We need to stop complaining about everyone else and what they are doing wrong. I am a lawyer, and I can discuss various legal systems. I saw how the Ukrainian legal system operated during the Yanukovych era. And I still worked in a law firm. We didn't give bribes, and we usually fought against those who did. Even within that system, we achieved justice. It might have been in the Court of Appeal, it might have been in the Supreme Court, or it might have been at the level of the European Court of Human Rights. But it is always possible: opportunity always begins with the mindset of, "No one is helping me, everyone is against me, but I will take at least one step." Maybe I won't turn the world upside down, but I will make at least one small move to create this change. There is a theory of small actions: it's when every small action creates a huge synergistic effect, and eventually, it works. |
Another barrier mentioned by the respondents is the feeling that "the authorities do not hear" their appeals. They shared instances where appeals to the embassy or other government bodies went unanswered. At the same time, other participants in the dialogue noted that this feeling is often misleading: it is necessary to keep reaching out to state bodies with a clear plan of action. As a positive example, they cited cooperation with the Ukrainian Embassy in Portugal, which, despite limited resources, demonstrates high engagement and openness to partnering with the community.
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We spent more than 10 years developing the debate movement in Ukraine. And even back then, there was this problem where it seemed to everyone that no one ever listens. But that’s not true. If you want it, if you have a clear plan, a clear vision, a clear understanding of which door you want to open, you open that door and walk right through it. If it doesn't work through the door, you go through the roof. That is how it works in any coordinate system, in any country. If you want a change, you just have to make it happen. If you need cooperation with an embassy, we have great friends, and one of the best embassies is in Portugal. I can tell you that for a fact. As organizers of funds for business initiatives, we are currently communicating with other communities, and they are adopting our experience. They have absolutely no issues. Well, almost none. Our embassy, with the resources it has, isn't just working at 100%, it's working at 1200%. Believe me, we have a fantastic embassy. Of course, they can't always work fast because of limited resources. But if you write 1, 2, 3, or 5 times, it will work. The Ministry of Youth and Sports, we eventually became their partners, responded to us only on the 10th try. But you have to keep knocking. |
Requests to the State
In the course of the dialogue, the participants outlined a number of expectations and requests directed at the Ukrainian state, which, in their view, could help improve the living conditions of Ukrainians abroad. Some of these requests concerned the activities of the Ukrainian authorities in general, while others contained recommendations for policy changes regarding Ukrainians abroad.
State Communication
One of the key requests from the dialogue participants in Ireland is the establishment of stable and accessible communication with the Ukrainian state. Respondents noted that direct communication between the Ukrainian diaspora and state authorities (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Office of the President, the Verkhovna Rada, etc.) is critical. As an example of ideal communication, they cited the visits of the President and Members of Parliament to Ireland: according to the respondents, these meetings give the community abroad a clear understanding that Ukraine remembers its citizens outside the country. At the same time, it was emphasized that Ukrainians abroad often do not understand the mandates of different government bodies.
The lack of trust in state authorities was also spoken about. This, according to the participants, can impact socio-political activity (specifically voter turnout), as some Ukrainians abroad are reluctant or even afraid to interact with the state.
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It is important for the community to have the opportunity to communicate with state representatives. When the President made his first official visit, the Ukrainian community was invited to meet with him, even though his schedule was extremely tight. Today, Ms. Olena Kondratiuk is also taking part in this communication. Naturally, time is always short, and it's always a limited amount of interaction, but these consultations carry immense symbolic weight. Late last year, when the President visited, there wasn't a single Irish person we know who didn't ask us, "Were you at the meeting with the President? Do you know that the President arrived?" Obviously, nothing changes overnight, but this creates a sense of engagement with Ukraine, with the community, and reassurance that Ukraine still remembers its community over here. There is always the embassy, but it is limited in its resources. First of all, when it comes to elections and other matters concerning people in Ireland, it's not just the MFA of Ukraine that is responsible, but also the Office of the President and the Verkhovna Rada. People often do not distinguish between them; there is a lack of awareness and information. And it is actually the Verkhovna Rada that decides whether or not elections will take place. Furthermore, right now in Ireland, we have not only the Embassy of Ukraine but also the Office of the Ombudsman. I work there; I am an advisor on foreign affairs for Ukraine. This means we handle any complaints you have regarding violations of your rights. We have many problems here on the ground, for example, when children are taken away. This happens simply because in Ukraine, laws didn't and don't function properly, whereas in Ireland, they do. And if there is already a court ruling or an ongoing lawsuit, for instance, it becomes impossible to help those people. This is especially relevant regarding the fact that it is not just Russia taking children away today, but other countries as well. The recommendation is to still believe in the state, to ask for help, and to send letters not just to the embassy, but also to the Office of the Ombudsman, where they are registered immediately, and a whole team of staff will start working on your case. Activists and leaders have come here, but there are also people who just work regular jobs, a lot of people. And today, they are afraid to go to elections here. They don't want to sign anything anywhere or expose themselves. There is no trust in the authorities. So, trust in the government needs to be built, and that involves many factors: showing clear anti-corruption actions, for instance, and showing that you are being heard. Even here in Ireland, an opinion has already formed that you aren't being heard. Our leaders here still listen to us a little bit. |
One of the key requests from the participants is ensuring equal opportunities for Ukrainians abroad to exercise their rights, particularly regarding inheritance processing, wills, and child registration. Respondents noted that the infrastructure of the embassy in Ireland was designed for a pre-war community of 5,000 people, whereas today its numbers reach around 80,000. As a result, Ukrainians travel to other countries just to get passports and other documents issued. Respondents view the opening of a branch of the "Document" State Enterprise in London and the practice of mobile consular services as examples of positive problem-solving, but emphasize that these measures are not systemic. In the respondents' view, it is necessary to review the staffing of Ukraine's representation in Ireland in accordance with the actual scale of the community.
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It is necessary to ensure the opportunity to exercise your rights as a Ukrainian just as you would be able to exercise them in Ukraine. There are many aspects to this, and changes are happening right now, including the new Law on Global Ukrainians. But there are some practical things: the ability to process inheritance, wills, and register children. I don't want to be a critic; we understand the realities. The Ukrainian embassy and consulate were established with a budget meant for the 5,000 Ukrainians who lived here before 2022. Now, we are dealing with a community of 80,000 people. Naturally, the community is dissatisfied, but the resources haven't increased in over two years. There are other ways to do this. Don't take this as criticism; it's just a view of what is raising questions among Ukrainians: this system is being reformed. The fact that the "Document" State Enterprise opened in London makes some issues much easier, whereas before people had to travel to Berlin to solve them. Or the mobile consular services. It doesn't solve the problem for all 80,000, but these are small details so that you don't have to travel all the way to Ukraine. It seems to me that, first and foremost, the position and capacity of the Ukrainian Embassy in Ireland itself must change at the state level. It used to work for an audience of 5,000. Now there are 80,000, and from what I understand, nothing has really changed. The staff has expanded a little bit. But it’s a huge problem if you calculate how many people over these past four years have travelled to another country just to get a Ukrainian passport. This is a major issue, and it specifically applies to Ireland. Because I don't think there is another country with such a high percentage of Ukrainians who, while living and working in Ireland, had passports made for themselves and their entire families in a different country. I believe this needs to be addressed at the state level. Something can actually be done about this. And once the powers of the embassy itself are expanded, then plans and certain organizational structures can be developed. |
The dialogue participants emphasized the importance of actively involving civil society in the implementation of state functions abroad. As an example, they cited the organization of the National Multi-Subject Test for Ukrainian teenagers in Ireland: a state initiative that was actually carried out through the efforts of the community. Respondents stressed that such a model of cooperation between the state and NGOs is an effective way to compensate for the limited resources of official institutions.
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A very quick piece of advice for both states is to involve civil society. Just look at how Olha and her colleague organized the Ukrainian National Multi-Subject Test in Ireland. That is a civil society resource, right? Used for a state function. |
Political Participation
Among the requests from the dialogue participants to the state, there was ensuring the conditions for the full inclusion of Ukrainians abroad in the country's political life, particularly regarding participation in elections. Respondents emphasized that fulfilling this request is impossible without the state understanding exactly where its citizens live and how many of them reside in different countries worldwide. In light of this, the participants raised the issue of a population census for Ukrainians, which has not taken place for over 20 years. They noted that the existing data is highly incomplete: the current system only records the fact of departure abroad, without reflecting the citizens' actual place of residence. In the participants' view, conducting a proper count requires direct interaction between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the governments of the host countries, and cannot be achieved through the efforts of embassies alone.
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It is critically important for Ukraine to conduct a population census, which hasn't been done in over 20 years. Relying on an election-based population count, where we show up at a polling station, is one thing. But many people simply don't show up for elections; they just don't vote. We need to understand where and how many Ukrainians are living. And it is currently impossible to do this through the embassy alone. We need to establish direct contact with the leadership of Ireland, and of every country hosting large communities like Ireland. This must be handled by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with Sybiha dealing with this matter directly. But while the war is ongoing, it's considered not the right time. Why else do we need to conduct a population census? So that the people living here can state their place of residence. Because right now, in the Ukrainian system, they are simply marked as having gone abroad. Where are they accounted for? Nobody knows. |
The dialogue participants emphasized that for the electoral process abroad to be legitimate and logistically viable, a number of practical and organizational issues must be resolved. Respondents pointed to significant practical hurdles: for instance, to participate in elections from abroad, Ukrainians must be registered with a consulate; otherwise, they will not be included in the voter lists abroad. The issue of the legal status of citizens staying abroad illegally was also raised. According to the respondents, local informational and coordination support is critically important for the real participation of Ukrainians abroad in elections.
In the context of Ireland, the discussion took place about establishing a network of advisors in every county to explain to Ukrainians how to exercise their right to vote. Without such support, as participants noted, some people would be unable to vote due to a lack of information. They also suggested involving Ukrainians who have been in Ireland for a long time and already have experience working in elections in the preparatory process.
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Even if we aren't preparing for elections, for some reason, before the President's arrival, we had a meeting in Dublin with representatives of the election commission. A delegation came to visit us, had a conversation with us, and felt out the ground. [...] Also, there are people who are abroad illegally. Around 50,000 haven't returned to Ukraine. Do they have the right to vote? Or are they no longer citizens? I understand that we are talking about potential first post-war elections. Indeed, they are currently looking into ways to involve Ukrainian communities in participating in these elections. Of course, we won't be the ones developing these mechanisms; there are other people for that. However, coordination with people who have already been involved in such elections would be very beneficial for developing election procedures. And I want to say that Ukrainians will need anchor points. Anchor points in Dublin where people can learn about their legal rights and get advice. Before the elections, it will be crucial to explain to people their civic rights and informational rights. This will be crucial. It would be excellent to have two or three people in every county, some sort of coordination with advisors. Because people might simply become indifferent if they don't know their rights or don't know how to exercise them, just because there is no one around to explain it to them. A person might not search for the information for long; they might just give up. |
Respondents also raised the issue of organizational readiness for holding elections abroad. Participants noted that compiling voter lists and ensuring an adequate number of polling stations require long-term preparation: according to their calculations, around 40 polling stations would be needed in Ireland alone. In the respondents' view, an insufficient number of polling stations would directly impact the legitimacy of the elections. If a significant portion of the community is physically unable to vote, the election results could be called into question. Overall, the respondents agreed that the issue of voting abroad is extremely complex and demands early, systemic preparation.
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If elections are being prepared, first and foremost, we must remember to uphold electoral standards. If there are 83,000 Ukrainians in Ireland, how many polling stations are needed for 83,000 people by Ukrainian standards? We are talking about around 40 polling stations. Does the issue of election legitimacy arise due to such a large number of citizens being unable to participate? So, perhaps it's not the right time for the diaspora. You have to prepare for such elections well in advance, not in a single day. But until martial law ends, I don't know if Ukraine needs elections or if it's even possible to hold them. We need to have lists for the elections. Someone needs to compile them, someone has to get them ready. You can't run elections like this. You know how elections work: there are already official lists, polling stations, places to go, and instructions on how to vote. This isn't organized in one day, or even two. |
The participants also emphasized the necessity of early coordination between Ukraine and the Irish side regarding the organization of elections. They noted that Ireland has its own bureaucratic specifics: securing approvals for polling venues, ensuring safety, and coordinating with the police require a considerable amount of time. Consequently, preparations for the elections must begin long before they take place, taking Irish procedures into account.
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Ireland is very supportive of Ukrainians. The only thing is, it is a neutral state, and they are very cautious, but they are ready to support anything that is not related to military matters. However, the Irish are very slow, and there is bureaucracy here. You have to wait a long time for permits. Therefore, if we want to hold elections, it needs to be arranged very far in advance: regarding premises, safety, security, a safe house, and possibly ambulances and the police because their police are very strict. We also need to take these Irish rules and timelines into account. |
Supporting Ukrainian Communities Abroad
One of the central requests of the dialogue participants is the support of Ukrainian communities abroad. Respondents emphasized the lack of a unified information space both for the Ukrainian community in Ireland and for the diaspora as a whole. They noted that existing communication channels (Telegram chats, YouTube channels, online radio, etc.) are fragmented and do not reach the community systematically; even organizations with a long history remain largely unknown among Ukrainians abroad. In the respondents' view, it is necessary to create a unified online information platform that would accumulate both state and community initiatives.
Separate emphasis was placed on the fragmented communication between different organizations: interaction between Ukrainian organizations in Ireland and diasporas in other countries occurs primarily through informal connections, which makes coordinated action on important issues impossible. Respondents stressed that coordinated communication would be beneficial not only for the community but also for the state.
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We need a unified information space. For example, in Ireland, we need to have a single “bubble” that everyone is aware of. Our organization has existed since 2008, yet very few people know about it. This is a significant drawback. There is the Ukrainian World Congress, which supports Ukrainian national policy. There is the state policy implemented by our government, the state, the president, and so on. However, in every country, there should also be a congress like those in America—the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America—or the one in England. A place where you can just walk in and say: “Here I am, and I need this and that.” We need some kind of shared information platform, like a radio station or a YouTube channel where anyone can post content. Right now, we actually have an online radio station; it just needs to be populated with content. In other words, we need a unified information field, and then we can integrate state resources into it. There is a lack of an information space that would connect diasporas not just within Ireland, but also with other diasporas in different countries. There are many Telegram groups and various channels, but it is all scattered. I know that someone is doing something in America or Canada, for instance, and something is happening in Europe, some exchange is going on. This would also be beneficial for the state authorities, particularly for understanding the actual number of people currently abroad. We need a proper channel of communication among ourselves. As we mentioned earlier, Ukraine is highly horizontal, and we still rely on someone knowing someone else or making a phone call somewhere. There are many organizations across Ireland: some are large, some are small. Some argue and make up, some are friendly, others are not. Things there are constantly changing, and when important information comes up, such as election preparations, there needs to be a professional channel to ensure proper engagement. |
Respondents also emphasized the importance of physical spaces for community as a vital complement to online communication. They noted that face-to-face dialogue is an essential tool for establishing personal connections within the community. Furthermore, they highlighted the role of Ukrainian student societies at universities as platforms for representing Ukrainian culture and history in academia—a factor of particular significance given Ireland’s highly developed academic community. Participants also drew attention to the fragmentation of the community as a practical barrier to coordination: since it is impossible to reach everyone individually, a more effective model involves centralizing communication through a network of existing organizations that work directly with Ukrainians and aggregate their needs and concerns.
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Meetings help connect people. We need a space where we can gather physically. Personal contacts are necessary, not just online ones. We should invite active people, public figures. I think we need to support Ukrainian societies at universities because they serve as one of the major showcases of our culture. As Ukrainians, as people of the same nation, we are already automatically grouped around a certain ideology and certain expectations from others, like the Irish. Education without propaganda, our history transmitted by Ukrainian societies through academic institutions, is precisely what dispels propaganda and represents us as Ukrainians. A very practical point regarding what we can do, just from my own experience. The Ukrainian community is fragmented. This means you cannot reach everyone individually. I work with Ukrainians, and people who come to us share their problems and what they are anxious about. My manager is currently looking for Ukrainian organizations to group these issues together, to centralize them. It seems to me that it would work much better this way. |
Participants also drew attention to the need for additional support and coordination of the civil society sector abroad from official Ukrainian institutions. Respondents noted that despite the significant volume of work the community handles independently, there are issues whose resolution requires resources and authorities that Ukrainian organizations do not possess.
Furthermore, they highlighted the uneven nature of this support: while a certain level of communication with the Ukrainian community takes place in Dublin, communities in smaller Irish towns remain virtually overlooked by the Embassy. According to the participants, expanding the partnership between Ukraine and Ireland at an institutional level is essential.
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There is a lack of help, support, and coordination from our Ukrainian authorities, the embassy, and representatives of Ukraine here in Ireland, who have more resources and opportunities to resolve certain issues. We do a lot on the ground, but there are matters where we hit a wall. Even reaching out to the embassy regarding a simple matter yielded no results. It wasn’t a case of "we can't do it"—people just didn't reply. That is the nature of the communication. A lot is probably being done in Dublin, but in smaller towns and other cities across Ireland, more communication from Ukraine is needed. The ministry that was supposed to be created but never became operational comes to mind. I also wanted to mention sociological surveys. It would be so beneficial if an organization from Ukraine, or here in Ireland under the embassy, conducted sociological surveys that we need to understand the shifting sentiments within Irish society. We can see these sentiments changing, and we desperately need this data. Yet, no one has the authority to conduct these sociological surveys here. There must be broader partnerships between the host country and Ukraine at the level where we cannot resolve issues ourselves. |
Respondents also raised the issue of the financial sustainability of Ukrainian non-governmental organizations abroad, particularly Ukrainian schools, which exist in Ireland solely through volunteer work and parental contributions. They emphasized that a model relying on the enthusiasm and unpaid labour of teachers for several years is unsustainable in the long term. At the same time, dialogue participants noted that the Irish Department of Education is not interested in supporting the Ukrainian language specifically, as it views it within the broader framework of minority language policies, making it difficult to secure targeted funding. In the participants' view, Ukraine must assume partial responsibility for funding these schools and certain diaspora initiatives, as they ensure Ukraine's presence abroad and represent an investment in the country's future. Concurrently, an alternative perspective was voiced: diaspora organizations should independently seek local funding rather than relying on state support.
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I have a question for everyone here who runs a Ukrainian school. Who has funding? Or are you all operating purely as volunteer initiatives? This is a question we have for the authorities. How are we supposed to sustain all of this? I understand that this cannot be done solely at the parents' expense. The state needs to help us somehow because relying only on parents isn't always viable. Let me tell you why. Not all parents grasp the importance of this, but when such a space exists, they might bring their children. If it is free of charge, they are much more likely to bring them. On the other hand, our teachers have been working for two, three, or four years with absolutely no pay. How much longer can they work like this? People need to earn a living, too. This cannot last long on enthusiasm and love for the Motherland alone. We have been here for 24 years, and we can see how the state impacts our Ukrainian community. There is very little support. Everything that gets organized (our schools, we have nine Ukrainian schools) rests on volunteers and parental contributions. When there was talk of appealing to the Irish Department of Education, we were told that if they supported the Ukrainian language, then the Lithuanians, Latvians, Africans would all come forward too. We try to package it under the umbrella of "integration," but again, we are using funds from the local budget, not the Ukrainian one. Yet, the state aspect is a massive factor. We discussed how the Ukrainian World Congress suggested we host a forum for unification. I will even read out what we have planned: to introduce and bring Ukrainian communities and organizations closer together, and to discuss the key challenges facing the Ukrainian community. This is essentially what you are doing right now. To strengthen communication between organizations, identify areas where coordination or joint projects are possible, and map out concrete steps for cooperation. The forum aims to bring together representatives of Ukrainian organizations from all over Ireland. In short, it is a space for dialogue. But when we touched upon funding again, the answer was "figure it out yourselves." I hear this view quite often. The fact that the issue of funding was raised is very important. When people say "go ahead and fund the schools yourselves", it was rightly said: children are our future and the future of our Ukraine that we need to build up. Everyone understands this. Ukraine must think about its future right now by funding schools, Ukrainian organizations, and forums. We know, we understand that there is a war going on right now, we understand where the resources are being directed, but if we want Ukraine to exist somewhere beyond Ukraine, diaspora organizations play a major role in this. I think that diaspora organizations can take responsibility and look for money locally, rather than demanding it from Ukraine. |
Finally, respondents drew attention to the need for establishing a Ukrainian-speaking environment for economic activities. They noted that despite the availability of language courses, a significant portion of Ukrainians cannot fully integrate into the Irish labour market due to difficulties in mastering the English language. As a reference point, they cited the experience of other countries that develop their own production and businesses in Ireland, taking advantage of its favourable tax environment. In the respondents' view, fostering the growth of Ukrainian businesses in Ireland could be a tangible tool for supporting the community and maintaining its connection to Ukraine.
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There are many working-age people here, but their biggest challenge is the language barrier. For various reasons, though they really do try. There are specialized schools here, as well as informal volunteer meetings where people have the opportunity to learn English. And yet, for some, it just doesn’t click; they simply cannot learn it. I want to create a space for them where they can work using Ukrainian, within a Ukrainian environment, for the benefit of Ukraine. We see many other countries that have brought their production and businesses here. Ireland actually encourages this because its taxation system is quite favourable. We would like more support from the state. This could also be formulated as a recommendation both to the Ukrainian government and to the host country, Ireland. Ireland is an open door, and they have plenty of instruments that facilitate this. |
Analysis of Individual Answers
After the group discussion on the two previous topics concluded, participants of the facilitated dialogue were asked to respond to two additional questions:
- One challenge you face while living abroad.
- One thing that holds you back from returning to Ukraine?
The participants provided their answers to these questions individually in writing. This format was chosen to ensure anonymity and increase the likelihood of sincere responses, as well as to provide everyone with an opportunity to speak. The collected responses were organized by OPORA representatives into thematic areas and analyzed.
Additional Question 1. One Challenge You Face While Living Abroad
For many dialogue participants, integration into Irish society and the language barrier emerged as key challenges abroad. Respondents pointed out the difficulty of mastering English, not only for daily life but also for securing employment in preferred sectors, such as the public sector and IT. They also discussed the slow pace of integration into the host society, which is closely linked to issues of self-identity, differences in mentality, and the presence of anti-Ukrainian movements.
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Language barrier. Finding a job with an intermediate level of English. Not just any job, but specifically in the public sector or IT. Slow integration. Self-identity. Anti-migrant, including anti-Ukrainian, movements. |
Many participants identified the feeling of uncertainty and the inability to make long-term plans as their key challenges. They mentioned having their basic needs (such as housing, employment, and support systems) left unmet and specifically highlighted the uncertainty surrounding their migration status after the expiration of temporary protection as a critical factor that makes planning for the future impossible. They also emphasized the profound need to be heard.
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You are nobody, you have no standing, and you have nothing (no housing, no job, no support). Inability to make long-term plans. Uncertainty about the future after temporary protection ends. To be heard. |
A distinct challenge for the dialogue participants is the insufficient communication from the Ukrainian state and limited access to consular services. Respondents pointed to a feeling of detachment from Ukraine and its state institutions, as well as a lack of clear and regular communication between the state and citizens abroad. The Embassy was specifically mentioned in the context of the inability to obtain or renew passports in a timely manner. Additionally, they raised the issue of the absence of state support for Ukrainian education in Ireland as a challenge that requires an institutional solution.
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Detachment from Ukraine and the authorities. Lack of clear communication between Ukraine and Ukrainian citizens in Ireland. Inability to obtain/renew a passport. |
Respondents identified the lack of state support for Ukrainian education in Ireland as a challenge. In addition, they noted an absence of systemic support for Ukrainian students abroad and pointed out the difficulties associated with the legalization of Ukrainian higher education degrees. They also highlighted the problem of the misrepresentation of Ukrainian culture within academic environments as a challenge that requires targeted countermeasures from the state.
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State-level support for Ukrainian education in Ireland. Absence of pathways to assist Ukrainian students abroad. Lack of mechanisms for the legalization of specialized higher education. Misrepresentation of Ukrainian culture in academic spaces. |
Some respondents pointed to financial instability as one of the most tangible day-to-day challenges. Specifically, they discussed the high cost of rent, the difficulties of finding employment within one's profession, and the overall complexity of achieving financial independence.
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Having the financial means to break through. High rent, real estate. Securing funding and achieving financial stability. The opportunity to find work within one's profession. |
Among other challenges, the dialogue participants identified difficulties in accessing healthcare in Ireland and a sense of a rift between themselves and their loved ones and friends back in Ukraine:
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Healthcare. The rift with our friends in Ukraine. |
Additional Question 2. One Thing That Holds You Back from Returning to Ukraine
The key factor deterring dialogue participants from returning from abroad is the security situation in Ukraine. The overwhelming majority of respondents cited ongoing hostilities, threats to life, and a general lack of safety (particularly for children) as the primary obstacles to returning home. A closely related challenge is having no place to return to: a segment of the respondents noted that their homes have been destroyed or are located in the temporarily occupied territories.
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Lack of safety. Danger to my children. Danger during the war. Lack of housing to return to. I dream of returning, but my city is in the temporarily occupied territories. |
Participants also mentioned the economic instability in Ukraine. Respondents pointed to a lower standard of living, a lack of financial guarantees, and weaker social protections compared to what Ireland offers. For some participants, this higher level of social guarantees is a significant factor deterring them from returning. Some highlighted the general uncertainty regarding the future and a lack of support for the return process as factors that intensify a sense of hopelessness.
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Standard of living. Economic instability in Ukraine. Better guarantees provided by the state of Ireland (social protection). Fear of uncertainty when there is nowhere to return to and no support to do so. Uncertainty about the future. |
Another distinct group of factors deterring people from returning is adaptation and integration. Respondents noted that a prolonged stay abroad, the socialization of their children within the Irish environment, and the children's own reluctance to return effectively dictate the parents' decision to stay. They also specifically mentioned access to high-quality healthcare as a decisive factor for some respondents when considering whether to return.
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Adaptation and socialization of the children and of my own life here. Irish passport. I am wherever my children are. And the children want to be safe. Medical care. Oncology treatment is free of charge in Ireland. |
Moreover, participants identified distrust in state institutions as a factor deterring them from returning. They indicated that corruption and lawlessness create an environment in which it is difficult to build a life and achieve self-realization, and specifically mentioned the lack of respect for human rights and a feeling of judgment from fellow citizens back in Ukraine.
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Corruption of the authorities. Anti-people, anti-Ukrainian corrupt activity of the state as an institution. Respect for human rights. Judgment of expatriate Ukrainians (the rift between those who left and those who stayed). |
A segment of the respondents noted that they are deterred from returning not by a lack of desire to do so, but by a conscious mission: acquiring knowledge, skills, and experience abroad with the ultimate goal of contributing to the reconstruction of Ukraine. Respondents pointed to the importance of personal and professional development, as well as the need to improve the educational system in Ukraine, as defining factors in their decision to remain abroad.
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Education and a life mission to acquire skills for rebuilding Ukraine after the war. Personal development. Development of education in Ukraine. |
Some of the respondents expressed their views succinctly yet eloquently: they are deterred from returning by a genuine attachment to Ireland and a desire to remain in the country.
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Ireland ❤️ |
Methodology
There is a wide range of methods for collecting and analyzing public opinion that allow for the exploration of the views, needs, and expectations of various social groups, adapting different approaches to the context and specificities of the audience. Specifically, these include in-depth interviews, focus groups, surveys, content analysis, observation, and more. Given the research objectives and available resources, Civil Network OPORA selected the facilitated dialogue approach among other data collection methods.
Facilitated dialogues are aimed at improving citizen engagement and integrating their opinions into public policies, ensuring their implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. Among the key tasks that OPORA set for itself while conducting dialogues with Ukrainian communities abroad were:
- Systematization of the experiences of Ukrainian citizens who went abroad as a result of the full-scale invasion;
- Development of a strategy for interaction between Ukrainian citizens abroad and Ukraine’s democratic institutions and civil society;
- Promotion of a common understanding of problems and needs, and the involvement of Ukrainian citizens abroad in the formation of domestic policies within Ukraine.
Facilitated dialogue is a distinct methodological approach that has a specific purpose and implementation method. It requires a specialized way of interaction between participants that differs from classic sociological approaches. While facilitated dialogue shares many similarities with focus groups—specifically in creating a safe space for discussion, engaging diverse perspectives, and analyzing collective narratives—these two approaches serve different goals through different methodological frameworks. In Table 1, we outline the key differences between facilitated dialogues and focus groups, which highlight the core characteristics and specifics of each approach.
Methodological Features of Focus Groups and Facilitated Dialogues
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Focus Group |
Facilitated Dialogue |
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Aim |
Used as a research tool to collect opinions, perceptions, and feedback from participants regarding specific topics, policies, or conflicts. The primary goal is to collect data for analysis. |
Promoting mutual understanding, building trust, and facilitating meaningful conversations between participants. The goal is to create mutual understanding and shared learning. |
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Facilitation Approach |
Conducted by moderators who guide discussions using a standardized set of questions to ensure the collection of relevant data. The role of the moderator is to keep the group on track and ensure the conversation aligns with the research objectives. |
Led by a dialogue leader who encourages an open and balanced exchange of ideas, sometimes without predetermined questions. The role of facilitators is to create a safe space, encourage active listening, and foster deeper conversation. |
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Participant Interaction |
Interaction is often limited; participants respond to questions and occasionally interact with one another, but within a highly structured environment. It requires a structured approach to the selection of all participants. |
Participants are encouraged to engage in deeper, more open discussions with one another, exploring perspectives and ensuring equal participation in the conversation. This approach is more qualitative in terms of its commitment to inclusivity. |
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Result Orientation |
The result consists of concrete findings or insights that can serve as a basis for decision-making, research conclusions, and so on. |
Leads to the establishment of relationships, improved understanding, and often personal or collective transformations of opinions. The outcome provides tangible data for analyzing collective views, but also intangible benefits, such as trust. |
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Nature of the Discussion |
More evaluation-oriented, centered on opinions and feedback. Participants often stay within the boundaries of the specific questions provided. |
Exploratory and reflective, allowing participants to more freely discuss personal experiences, stories, and viewpoints. |
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Duration and Structure |
Usually limited in time (for example, 1–2 hours) with a structured agenda, typically conducted as a series of sessions. |
Can be more flexible in duration and, if necessary, may span several sessions to develop deeper discussions and foster stronger relationships. |
Civil Network OPORA has conducted eight dialogues: the pilot took place on April 29, 2024, in Vilnius, Lithuania, followed by three dialogues held in cities across the United Kingdom (Manchester, Liverpool, and Preston) from December 9 to 12, 2024. On October 18, 2025, the fifth facilitated dialogue was held with the Ukrainian community in Germany (Berlin), and on December 11, 2025, the sixth dialogue took place in Poland (Warsaw). On March 6, 2026, OPORA conducted the seventh facilitated dialogue with Ukrainians in Ireland (Dublin), and on March 28 of the same year, the eighth was held in Spain (Madrid).
Facilitated dialogues consisted of three main stages:
- The preparatory stage, which included recruiting participants, developing the dialogue plan, and training facilitators to lead the discussions.
- The main stage, which involved the direct facilitation of the dialogues and the collection of data based on the discussions.
- The final stage, which consisted of processing, analyzing, and describing the data obtained during the dialogues.
Based on the results of the discussions, a report was prepared.
Preparation Stage
During the preparatory stage of the facilitated dialogue, Civil Network OPORA adapted the discussion methodology to the specific context and characteristics of Germany. Representatives of OPORA determined that facilitated dialogue should be the key data collection method, as it creates a trusting atmosphere that encourages Ukrainian citizens abroad to engage in frank and deep discussions regarding their experiences and needs. Additionally, preliminary research was conducted on the communities where the dialogues would take place to identify key local leaders capable of assisting with the on-site organization of the facilitated dialogue.
A key part of the preparatory phase of the facilitated dialogue was the recruitment of participants. To achieve this, local community leaders conducted targeted outreach among their own contacts and invited Ukrainians living in Ireland (primarily in Dublin to participate in the dialogue.
In total, 30 Ukrainians (25 women and 5 men) took part in the facilitated dialogue in Italy. The average age of the participants was 42. Almost all participants are employed, while some are also engaged in volunteering and social activism. A segment of the dialogue participants represented the younger generation, whose primary activities center around studying in Ireland.
The majority of the respondents relocated to Ireland after the start of the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine; however, some had been residing in the country prior to 2022. Notably, several interviewees have lived in Ireland for over 20 years. At the same time, some dialogue participants fled to Ireland from localities that, at certain points during the Russian-Ukrainian war, were under direct threat of occupation or were occupied.
It is important to note that since participation in the facilitated dialogue was voluntary and relied solely on the motivation of the participants themselves, this may have influenced the subsequent results of the discussion. Participants who possess a strong Ukrainian identity, maintain closer ties with the Ukrainian community, and demonstrate civic or political activism (such as attending rallies, meetings, etc.) were more motivated to join the event.
Main Stage
The main stage of the research involved a facilitated dialogue in Dublin on December 14, 2025. The facilitated dialogue lasted 3 hours.
The facilitated dialogue was composed of 3 primary parts:
- Introduction. The goal of this part was to create a safe environment in which participants could get to know one another, feel ready to share their own stories, and listen to one another. During this part, the facilitators:
- Introduced themselves and the primary goals of the dialogue, ensuring the clarity and transparency of the process.
- Organized introductions among the participants and divided them into groups for further discussion.
- Facilitated dialogue. The goal of this part was the group discussion of key issues brought forward by Civil Network OPORA. Within this part, the facilitators:
- Explained the key principles upon which the dialogue would be built and familiarized the participants with the plan for further discussion.
- Moderated the group discussion of questions and the presentation of group findings by representatives from each group.
- Moderated individual reflections based on the results of the discussions.
- Closing part. The purpose of this part was to obtain individual responses from the participants to two additional questions, explain the value of such discussions to the attendees, and encourage them to maintain contact. During this part, the facilitators:
- Posed two additional questions to the participants, the answers to which were to be individual. The responses were provided in writing and collected by the facilitators.
- Organized a final "sharing circle" for discussion and informal networking after the conclusion of the dialogue.
The facilitated dialogue was based on several key principles (see the table below), with which the participants were familiarized before the discussion began.
Principles of Facilitated Dialogue
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Respect |
Dialogue is a collective process of listening and exchanging opinions. All opinions are important. In a dialogue, we do not try to convince one another of our expertise; on the contrary, we treat the thoughts of others as an opportunity to update and improve our own opinions, ideas, and visions. Respect ensures the safe environment that we strive to create during our conversation. |
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Empathy |
Dialogue provides the opportunity to hear opinions that may differ from your own point of view, values, convictions, or faith. This diversity offers a chance to accept and listen to different opinions with empathy and an attempt to put oneself in another person's shoes. Such an approach strengthens trust. |
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Balance of Expectations |
A dialogue does not always reach a specific result or agreement regarding concrete actions. The group will not necessarily reach a consensus, and it can be expected that finalizing recommendations may require a compromise from everyone. |
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Equality and Inclusion |
Every participant has the opportunity to speak. The dialogue format promotes equal and inclusive participation. All opinions, ideas, and visions are equally significant and important. |
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Confidentiality |
In communications, no references are made to names, nor is an individual’s contribution to the dialogue personified. |
The key questions around which the discussion of the facilitated dialogue was organized were:
- What connects you to Ukraine when you are far from home?
- What motivates you to engage in socio-political life in Ukraine while being abroad? How can this be done?
In addition, during the closing part of the facilitated dialogue, the facilitators asked participants to provide anonymous written responses to two further questions:
- One challenge you face while living abroad.
- One thing that holds you back from returning to Ukraine.
Given the sensitive nature of the topics discussed and the need to create a comfortable environment and a trusting atmosphere for participants, Civil Network OPORA deliberately did not conduct video or audio recording during the event. Instead, during the dialogue, representatives of Civil Network OPORA took notes on key discussion points while maintaining confidentiality, a fact communicated to the participants in advance. Furthermore, photography was conducted during the event, and those present provided prior written consent.
Final Stage
During the third and concluding stage, the preliminary findings obtained during the facilitated dialogue were structured and systematized for further analysis. The results were anonymized, digitized, and processed by OPORA analysts. Subsequently, the discussion results were categorized into thematic blocks and documented. Generalized conclusions were also prepared and later integrated into the final report.
Community
Dublin (March 6, 2026)
Location: Ashling Hotel Dublin, 10-13 Parkgate St, Stoneybatter, Dublin 8, D08 P38N, Ireland
Number of participants: 30
Co-organizers: Ukrainian Action in Ireland.