Analutical Report: Dialogue with the Ukrainian Community in Poland

Introduction

As a result of the full-scale war launched by the Russian Federation against Ukraine, millions of Ukrainian citizens were forced to leave their homes and flee abroad. According to the Civil Network OPORA, as of May 2025, approximately 8.9 million Ukrainians were staying outside of Ukraine. While it is difficult to determine exact figures due to varying data from Ukrainian and international institutions, the share of Ukrainian citizens abroad currently represents about 15–20% of Ukraine’s population prior to February 24, 2022. This indicates that Ukraine's demographic and migration situation requires urgent intervention from the Ukrainian government, the civil sector, and the partner states that have hosted the largest numbers of Ukrainian citizens.

Effective engagement with the Ukrainian diaspora during the war and the post-war recovery requires a systemic understanding of how their needs, expectations, and potential forms of involvement are evolving. Considering this, Civil Network OPORA initiated a series of facilitated dialogues with Ukrainian communities abroad. The first discussion took place in April 2024 in Vilnius (Lithuania); subsequently, this format was used to study Ukrainian communities in the United Kingdom and Germany. In December 2025, facilitated dialogues were held in Warsaw (Poland) and Rome (Italy). The next stage involves conducting discussions in Spain and Ireland.

Following the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Poland provided significant support by welcoming millions of Ukrainian refugees. According to estimates by the Polish Economic Institute (PIE), as of December 2025, over 1.5 million migrants from Ukraine (both children and adults) were legally residing in Poland. Data from the Polish Office for Foreigners shows that Ukrainians remains the largest group of foreign nationals in Poland, accounting for 78% of the total foreign population. At the same time, 993,000 Ukrainians hold a PESEL UKR (the identification number for Ukrainian citizens who arrived after February 24, 2022), with every second holder being a minor. Among adults with this document, 77% are women—frequently mothers who fled to Poland with their children. According to PIE data, approximately 75–85% of adult Ukrainians in Poland are economically active. However, researchers note that high economic integration does not necessarily coincide with integration in cultural, social, and identity dimensions.

Громадянська мережа ОПОРА відвідала спільноту українців у Варшаві, аби визначити виклики, з якими стикаються громадяни України в Польщі, зрозуміти їхні потреби в комунікації з українською державою і суспільством, окреслити потенційні програми й заходи, які можна реалізувати для посилення стійкості та забезпечення довгострокової підтримки. ОПОРА висловлює щиру подяку UaHub за сприяння в організації заходу.

Key Findings

Civil Network OPORA held a facilitated dialogue in Warsaw, to systematize the experiences of Ukrainian communities in Poland, develop strategies for their interaction with Ukraine's democratic institutions and civil society, and foster a shared understanding of the problems, needs, and methods for involving Ukrainian citizens abroad in the formulation of domestic policies within Ukraine. OPORA expresses its sincere gratitude to UaHub for their assistance in organizing the event.

A total of 23 people took part in the dialogue. In addition to members of the Ukrainian community in Warsaw, two representatives from the Office of the Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights joined the discussion.

OPORA identified the links that connect Ukrainians abroad with Ukraine, their motivations for engaging in socio-political life, and the tools they recognize or potentially utilize for this purpose. Furthermore, we explored the challenges faced by Ukrainians abroad and the factors deterring them from returning to Ukraine.

The dialogue participants expressed varying levels of connection to Ukraine. Some respondents do not feel a sense of detachment from Ukrainian society, as they maintain constant social and informational ties with Ukraine. Conversely, others spoke of a gradual weakening of this bond due to the loss of their homes, the erosion of interpersonal contacts, and the absence of close relatives still living in Ukraine.

The participants identify Ukrainian identity as a central element of their self-definition. Forced displacement abroad often does not weaken this identity but, on the contrary, makes it more salient. Living in a different cultural and linguistic environment prompts them to seek out “their own” through the Ukrainian language, traditions, religion, symbols, and shared practices. Representatives of ethnic minorities also emphasize their political belonging to the Ukrainian nation, while simultaneously pointing to a feeling of receiving less support from the state.
Alongside identity, the connection with Ukraine is sustained by an emotional attachment to the Motherland: love for the country and a sense of unity through the shared experience of war are intertwined with the pain, fear, and frustration associated with the loss of home and unfulfilled plans.
Personal ties—familial, friendly, and professional—are also vital. Constant communication with loved ones in Ukraine, particularly those serving in the military, as well as interaction within the Ukrainian community in Poland, fosters a sense of belonging and connection to Ukrainian society.
Socio-political and civic engagement serves as another significant channel of connection to Ukraine. Respondents follow Ukraine’s political life and participate in volunteering and human rights advocacy, particularly in support of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU).
Participants in the dialogue primarily associate their connection with the Ukrainian state with their legal affiliation—citizenship and the possession of a Ukrainian passport. Additional channels include tax obligations, state services, education, medical services, and the presence of material or financial assets in Ukraine.
Business serves as yet another channel of connection to Ukraine: some respondents continue to work remotely for Ukrainian companies, while others consciously consume Ukrainian products, brands, and services as a way of supporting the Ukrainian economy.
Participants primarily associate political participation with voting in elections and interacting with elected officials. At the same time, respondents point to significant barriers to exercising their right to vote abroad, specifically the limited number of polling stations.
The respondents view the exchange of expertise and international experience as one of the primary ways to engage in Ukraine's socio-political life from abroad. In particular, they mention interacting with MPs and participating in the development of policies regarding Ukrainians abroad. However, they also point to a lack of feedback from the authorities and emphasize the need for institutionalized formats of cooperation.
The participants view the promotion of Ukraine abroad as a vital form of engagement, particularly through presence in local media and everyday communication with the Polish audience. Respondents describe themselves as informal “ambassadors” of Ukraine, emphasizing their responsibility for the public image of Ukrainians and the importance of various interaction formats—ranging from personal conversations to public speaking.
Participants consider supporting and developing the Ukrainian community in Poland a key form of socio-political involvement, focused primarily on human rights advocacy and education. They identify bullying and discrimination against Ukrainian children as the most acute problem, emphasizing the need for community support for vulnerable families, the development of clear action protocols, and greater engagement from Ukrainian institutions.
Participants identify empathy, a sense of responsibility, and a moral obligation toward those remaining in Ukraine as the key factors for their engagement in the country’s socio-political life. This motivation is particularly sustained by constant contact with service members and an acute awareness of the ongoing need to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
An orientation toward the future—the desire for Ukraine's victory, the prospect of returning home, and the country's reconstruction—also drives socio-political participation. At the same time, participants link their involvement to a responsibility for their children’s future and the preservation of their Ukrainian identity.
However, participants point to several obstacles to socio-political engagement from abroad, including limited instruments of influence and the difficulty of physical involvement. An additional barrier is the uncertainty and fear of advocating for one's rights in a foreign country, which leads to self-censorship and the avoidance of active participation.
Participants expect the Ukrainian state to shift its approach toward citizens abroad, particularly by shaping a cohesive international image of Ukraine and advancing cultural diplomacy. They emphasize the need for institutional and grant-based support for Ukrainian communities, effective two-way communication with authorities, and robust feedback mechanisms. Furthermore, respondents highlight the importance of supporting vulnerable groups abroad and establishing the fundamental conditions for returning to Ukraine—namely security, employment, and housing.
Among the key challenges of living abroad, participants cite the complexities of integrating into Polish society, including prejudice, stereotypes, and the constant need to assert their Ukrainian identity. Additional barriers include limited influence over local government decisions, employment difficulties, financial instability, persistent uncertainty regarding the future, language barriers, and emotional exhaustion—compounded by the loss of loved ones and the inability to influence events within Ukraine.
The primary factors deterring participants from returning to Ukraine are general instability and war-related security risks, especially for families with children and those who have already lost their homes. Economic insecurity, limited opportunities for employment and professional growth, and a lack of trust in institutions due to corruption also play a significant role. Some respondents link their decision to remain abroad to their children’s education or the belief that they can be of greater utility to Ukraine from overseas.

Discussion Results

Question 1. What Connects You to Ukraine When You Are Far From Home?

The first question raised for discussion during the facilitated dialogue aimed to identify the specific items, emotions, connections, experiences, and feelings that foster the strongest sense of unity with Ukraine and Ukrainian society among participants, despite their residence abroad.

When discussing their connection to Ukraine, the dialogue participants were somewhat divided regarding their sense of unity with the Ukrainian state and society. One group of respondents noted that they do not feel detached from Ukrainian society: they maintain constant contact with fellow citizens and stay fully informed about news and events in Ukraine. Conversely, for another segment of the Ukrainian community in Poland, the situation is slightly different: they report a diminishing sense of connection to Ukraine due to the loss of their homes, the gradual weakening of interpersonal contacts in Ukraine, and other similar factors.

It is difficult for me because I haven't detached from Ukraine by even a single centimeter. I have the impression that I was temporarily transplanted here with all my roots. I am physically here, but I am surrounded by Ukraine, by Ukrainians: I work and socialize only with Ukrainians. I do not feel torn out of context.

I feel my unity with Ukraine less and less. This is common among many women and girls. I work in the field of psychology; I work with women here. In the early days, there was this thought that I had no home. I pushed it aside. I don't have the feeling that “home” is in Ukraine—especially if you don't have a family there (husband, children). The concept of family vanished with the death of my grandfather. And if there are no people in Ukraine to hold onto you, you find yourself wondering more and more often if you will return. I work with the Ombudsman because I want to stay close, but I think about returning less and less. I am looking at the “here and now.” I am looking for ways to be closer, but internally, that feeling is fading.

Respondents mentioned various aspects of their connection to Ukraine, which can be categorized into the following primary groups:

Awareness and deliberate support of one's own Ukrainian identity;
Maintenance of emotional and social ties with the Ukrainian community both abroad and in Ukraine;
Preservation of links with the state and business sector.

All three categories of connection are considered equivalent. It cannot be argued that any one of them is more or less important to the participants of the discussion than the others.

Awareness and deliberate support of one's own Ukrainian identity;

According to the dialogue participants, they feel Ukrainian first and foremost, considering this identity central to their self-determination. They emphasized that forced displacement abroad often does not weaken, but on the contrary—activates the awareness of their Ukrainian identity. Among other factors, this is fostered by being in the entirely different cultural, linguistic, and symbolic environment of Poland, which prompts respondents to seek familiar elements that allow them to feel “at home.”

In our center, displaced people from various regions keep coming, just as they always have. We recently launched a project called “Immersion in Ukrainian Christmas Traditions”, vechornytsi (traditional evening gatherings). You should have seen the feedback: “This is exactly what we were missing.” People we don’t even know, who do not see us, are showing up. Girls came who had never even heard of our organization. They crave something Ukrainian. Each brings dishes from her own region. Right now, there are very few such events for Ukrainians. In just three days, we launched a course on making Christmas decorations, “spiders”. It’s a paid course to raise funds for antennas [for the military]. We had to hit “stop” at the 25th person who registered. In three days, we found enough people willing to pay 150 PLN to learn how to make a “spider.” We need more projects like this that unite us here.

I see more and more people starting to consciously speak Ukrainian. For me, this is about unity, community, nationality, awareness, self-respect, citizenship. A year ago, the majority spoke Russian; it was hard for them to learn Polish. A year ago, everyone told me it was difficult because they “thought in Russian,” so Polish was a struggle—people had their reasons. It’s heartening that there are people capable of finding the strength to learn the language, study the culture, explore traditions, and return to their roots.

If we hear the Ukrainian language, that person automatically becomes my friend. We are all on the same side. There was an instance when I was sitting in the airport in Milan. There was a girl with a teddy bear, and I saw a “TSUM” [Kyiv's Central Department Store] tag on it. I was so overjoyed. It’s that feeling when you are among strangers and you see “TSUM”—you know they are yours.

Among the dialogue participants in Poland, representatives of the Crimean Tatar and Roma ethnic minorities were also present. It is significant that they identify themselves as members of their respective ethnic communities while simultaneously emphasizing their political belonging to the Ukrainian nation. According to them, they feel a sense of unity with the Ukrainian community, which they describe as highly diverse. At the same time, they point out that they often receive less attention from the Ukrainian state than ethnic Ukrainians, which can lead to feelings of frustration.

The Crimean Tatar community is part of the Ukrainian community. Crimean Tatars face the same problems as Ukrainians. They go to the same passport offices. It is very important that our institutions here facilitate the resolution of issues, as every family has its own struggles. There has always been too little attention paid to Crimean Tatars. The Crimean Tatar community receives less attention than the Ukrainian one. I felt this even when Ukraine was in Crimea, and then afterwards, it felt as if we were almost torn away. Only the Tatars were reaching out to Ukraine. Now, we feel that Ukraine has forgotten about us a little. We are treated somewhat at the residual principle. But my mission is to show that Crimea is Ukraine. We must all work together.

Do we, as Roma from Ukraine here in Poland, feel unity? I would say we do. All communities (Crimean Tatars, Roma) are different. I don’t know if we can effectively convey our positive stories or change narratives about Ukrainians. Because there are so many Ukrainians—we are not a monolithic community; we are very diverse. But I wonder if we can bring these positive stories back to Ukraine. How can we highlight this for Ukraine? In my foundation, we change narratives about Roma men and women from Ukraine, showing positive examples of what they have done for the community and how they make an impact. We talk about this, for instance, on Ukrainian radio here in Poland. But can we talk about this in Ukraine? Would it be of interest? Is it the right time? I don't know.

According to the respondents, various elements of Ukrainian identity help them maintain a connection with Ukraine. For many, the Ukrainian language, culture, and traditions (especially holiday celebrations) have taken on significant meaning, as has national cuisine. Some participants also noted the role of shared faith and religion, regardless of denomination. Ukrainian symbols were mentioned as well, ranging from national state symbols to the branding of specific businesses.

The desire to speak, read, and listen in Ukrainian intensifies abroad when there is a lack of it.

While here, we celebrate our holidays and organize Ukrainian traditions in our own homes. We are influenced by Polish traditions and rules, but we miss our own and cannot 100% enjoy the festivities the way we do in Ukraine.

Even here, we go to Ukrainian cafes to eat borscht because “zupa pomidorowa” just isn't the same.

We gravitate toward the religious community, toward our style of service. It doesn't matter which parish one belongs to—Greek Catholic or Orthodox—it unites us with Ukraine. We lack this here.

Everyone has at least something small that is Ukrainian. When I see the flag of Ukraine, I miss home so much and just want to go back... If before it was taken for granted, now it is something special. For me personally, it has acquired such deep meaning here.

Emotional Ties

According to the dialogue participants, alongside their sense of Ukrainian identity, their connection to Ukraine is sustained by an emotional attachment to their Homeland. Respondents spoke of feeling love and affection for Ukraine. Furthermore, they mentioned a sense of unity with Ukrainian society based on shared uncertainty and a common enemy, as well as shared thoughts about Ukraine's future and the hope for victory.

Shared uncertainty. Because of the war, we do not know and cannot plan for the near or distant future. We don’t know whether we will continue to stay here or remain permanently.

A common enemy unites us: we are all standing here, on our own front line, doing something to ensure that Ukraine wins.

Thoughts of the future. We are convinced that Ukraine will win and that we will finally be able to make a conscious choice about how to live our lives further.

Participants also expressed negative emotions: pain and anger over what is happening in Ukraine, fear and frustration due to the inability to achieve self-realization, and the loss of their homes.

Pain and rage in connection with current events.

Unrealized projects. Everyone has lost something: connections, projects they had been building up. Here, you start everything over. We lost the life we could have lived—projects, businesses, and networks that took decades to develop.

Whether we are here physically or in Ukraine, we pray for one thing: for Putin to die, and for us to preserve what remains with fewer losses. It all hurts so much that you just want us to lose less, for fewer people to die.

Some respondents indicated that they maintain a connection to Ukraine through an attachment to the Ukrainian nature and landscapes. Participants mentioned the Carpathians and said that even "the air smells different" abroad. Certain attendees noted that they feel the differences in weather between Ukraine and Poland, which also causes them to miss home more frequently.

Social Ties

Beyond personal and emotional bonds with Ukraine, dialogue participants highlighted the role of social connections that strengthen the sense of unity. Most notably, they mentioned social ties with other Ukrainians and active participation in Ukraine’s socio-political life.

Personal Ties

Personal connections—family, friendships, and professional relationships—serve as a powerful element sustaining the close bond between Ukrainian citizens in Poland and Ukraine. According to respondents, shared experiences and memories of the past play a particularly vital role. Common themes and shared history make it easier to maintain contact and remain connected with both society in Ukraine and the Ukrainian community abroad. For women, the connection with husbands and other relatives who remained in Ukraine is also important.

Close ones, relatives in Ukraine. Everyone has people who stayed there, to whom we write and call.

Communicating with friends.

People: family, friends. Many children do not know what grandmothers and grandfathers are because we are here, and they are there.

Some dialogue participants noted the importance of the Ukrainian community in Poland. According to them, close ties within the community and communication with fellow Ukrainians create a safe space and a sense of belonging among “one's own.”

This is our community, our language, where you aren't ashamed to say who Bandera is, to listen to Ukrainian music, and where you have access to Ukrainian culture.

For many respondents, the connection with loved ones who are currently serving in the military or who have died defending Ukrainian statehood remains especially vital. Some of the Ukrainian women interviewed lost their husbands in the war; therefore, honoring their memory and ensuring their contribution is recognized by both society and the state is a crucial point that maintains their bond with Ukraine.

The men and women in the Armed Forces of Ukraine).

"My husband died in the war. It is important to me that he is honored not only by his relatives but by the state and society as well.

Socio-political Activity

For the dialogue participants, socio-political activity is an equally important way of maintaining a connection with Ukraine. Respondents frequently mentioned that they closely follow Ukraine’s political life, read the news, and participate in civic and human rights activities in Poland. According to those interviewed, they feel a responsibility for fellow citizens who find themselves in worse situations than their own, and thus strive to help others. In this context, the most common mentions were support for the Armed Forces of Ukraine and for Ukrainians living in Poland: respondents shared that they often help one another with daily chores and legal paperwork.

Politics. We try to protect ourselves, to stop reading [the news], but we are still aware of who Mindich is.

We work with people, and they come—elderly, not wealthy—bringing care packages. Grandmothers are knitting socks; I still can't get used to it. Even poorer people, grandmothers, have been collecting money and packages for Ukraine for 3 or 4 years now.

A sense of responsibility—that I must help my own people, both here, in Ukraine, and everywhere.

Ties with the State and Businesses

Ukrainians in Poland also actively maintain their connection to Ukraine through interaction with the state and Ukrainian businesses. When discussing the link to the state, dialogue participants primarily highlighted access to government services and their legal bond with Ukraine. In contrast, respondents mentioned Ukrainian businesses mainly in the context of employment and the creation of a familiar environment outside of Ukraine.

State

The connection to the Ukrainian state was predominantly defined by participants through their legal belonging to Ukraine—namely, citizenship and the Ukrainian passport. Some respondents explicitly emphasized that, despite diverse ethnic backgrounds, they all share the same bond with the Ukrainian state.

We are all of different ethnic origins, but we hold one citizenship.

Furthermore, respondents mentioned the necessity of paying utility bills and taxes (especially for those holding Private Entrepreneur status in Ukraine). For some participants, the connection to the Ukrainian state is also maintained through schooling, receiving medical services, and the possession of material or financial assets in Ukraine, particularly real estate. Several respondents also noted the importance of state digital services, specifically the “Diia” application.

I am forced to split myself and live in parallel realities—you can't fully finish things there, and you can't start completely here. You have a Private Entrepreneur status there; you are forced to split and live in parallel realities.

Business

Business also plays a vital role in maintaining the connection between Ukrainians abroad and Ukraine. Many dialogue participants continue to work for Ukrainian companies remotely, which allows them to remain immersed in the Ukrainian context and support the Ukrainian economy.

Some work for Ukraine online; others work for Ukraine right here.

At the same time, certain Ukrainian businesses have become true symbols for Ukrainians in Poland. Respondents noted that they make a conscious effort to purchase Ukrainian goods and products while abroad. Particular attention was given to the Ukrainian service sector, especially beauty treatments: according to the respondents, these services are of significantly higher quality than those provided in Poland.

Ukrainian products, goods, and brands. We buy Ukrainian as much as possible.

Ukrainian services, the beauty industry. You want to come and receive high-quality, aesthetic services, to attend events that meet Ukrainian standards. Everything here feels like an “economy version” of what we have in Ukraine. This isn't about being pretentious: in our country, everything is done with taste, with soul, with sincerity, and with aesthetics.

Question 2. What Motivates You to Engage in Socio-political Life in Ukraine While Being Abroad? How Can This Be Done?

The second question presented for discussion during the facilitated dialogue aimed at two key objectives:

To identify which tools of socio-political participation the dialogue participants are aware of and which they have already utilized during their time abroad.
To identify the motivations participants have for engaging in Ukraine's socio-political life while residing abroad.

Ways of Engaging in Socio-political Life in Ukraine

A significant portion of the dialogue participants actively participate in the life of the Ukrainian community in Poland: they engage in volunteering and human rights advocacy and collaborate with Ukrainian authorities. Ultimately, their proactive stance may be reflected in the findings of this discussion.

Political Participation

When discussing ways of political participation, the majority of respondents in Poland mentioned voting in elections at various levels; however, they noted significant barriers to exercising their right to vote, particularly the lack of polling stations. Another important form of political participation identified by participants was the opportunity to communicate with already elected officials at both the local and national levels, in order to convey their problems and challenges.

There are only 111 polling stations for the entire world—5 of them in Poland. This is not normal.

We have the right to communicate with MPs. We are voters, and this is a legitimate task. We have the right to speak with them. We all have the right to vote and citizenship because we are all citizens of Ukraine.

Expert Involvement and Knowledge Exchange

Another way of engaging in Ukraine's socio-political life considered by Ukrainians in Poland is the opportunity to exchange the experience and expertise they have acquired abroad. This became one of the key focuses of the discussion, along with the respondents' desire to communicate with elected officials. In the opinion of the participants, they possess the opportunities and resources to assist the Ukrainian authorities in developing policies concerning Ukrainians abroad, sharing international experience with Ukraine, and adapting Ukrainian legislation to European requirements within the framework of the Euro-integration process.

Providing proposals to the authorities—creating expert groups, parliamentary reception offices, and roundtables. This can be done in accordance with regulations. Roundtables on various topics.

We can submit ideas.

There is a desire to bring international experience to Ukraine. We are gaining it here—some strategies work more effectively here.

Ukrainians have experience in adaptation, integration, and resilience; they have experience with Euro-integration. Ukraine has the need, and we have the capacity.

At the same time, dialogue participants emphasized their feeling that, as of now, the Ukrainian authorities are not responding to their needs and appeals. The community sees the solution to this problem in Ukrainians abroad developing their own proposals and approaching political actors with ready-to-implement solutions. Respondents also noted that this is difficult to sustain on a purely volunteer basis; thus, they see a necessity in seeking additional funding, particularly through grants.

Are you sure that all of this will be heard? The embassy doesn't hear us. And here we have MPs. They will listen only if there are ready-made proposals, not just complaints. There must be ready-made proposals.

I’ve been in GR for about 15 years. When we say the MPs or the embassy don't hear us... I am ready to be the bridge and relay, but these must be real proposals. Who is ready to provide real proposals on a volunteer basis? We are all working two or three jobs. Who will pay for this? We need grants. Then we can create a group of 5–7 people to get it done. Let's say we set up an MPs reception office. Then what? Who follows through? We need to write grants. Write them, search for them. That is the only way it can work. If we just talk and no one does anything, then what? Who will take the next step?

Promotion of Ukraine Abroad

For many dialogue participants, a key method of participating in Ukraine's socio-political life is engaging with the local media of their host country. According to them, the visibility of the Ukrainian community in Poland—its activity and persistence in communicating the Ukrainian agenda to local residents—can foster a better understanding of the challenges and problems Ukrainians face.

Every one of us is the voice of Ukraine, an ambassador for Ukraine. We must speak at the playground, to our landlords, on the bus. For me, it’s a game. I “test the waters” at the playground. “Are your power banks charged? Is your car charged? Is it parked front-facing or rear-facing?” I always have ice, so if I have to head down to the parking garage, I’ll take a cooler bag and survive for a couple of days. I will show the neighbors where to sit when Warsaw gets bombed.

Respondents view themselves as "ambassadors" for Ukraine who have the opportunity to speak about the situation in the country, but who simultaneously bear responsibility for the image of Ukrainians abroad. They also emphasize the need for diverse formats of communication with the Polish audience: for some, personal contact is vital; for others,

It’s as simple as not being indifferent. Study the issues, share. Whoever is able to, speaks with their neighbor.

Those who can—they write or appear on television; others—they talk to their neighbor.

Ultimately, the respondents also emphasized the importance of involving Ukrainians abroad in the media landscape of Ukraine itself.

Support of the Local Community

For many dialogue participants, a key method of engagement in Ukraine's socio-political life is the support and development of the Ukrainian community in Poland. Respondents consider human rights advocacy to be the most vital area of work. According to them, Ukrainians abroad are often poorly informed about their rights, leaving them vulnerable to the unlawful actions of others without the means to defend themselves. Participants emphasize that the community must play a central role by taking responsibility and providing support to compatriots in need.

Collaboration with human rights organizations.

People do not know their rights or how to protect themselves and push back. There is no support or information on where to find it. There must be organizations and individuals who can offer support.

Expanding knowledge and engaging in educational activities so that Ukrainians know their rights. We have collected numerous bullying cases and launched a campaign about knowing one's rights at school and in the workplace.

Knowing your rights isn't always enough to resolve a situation—there must be a community that can provide actual assistance.

The most critical issue identified by dialogue participants is the need for community support regarding the bullying of Ukrainian children in Poland. According to respondents, this is an acute problem requiring immediate intervention and coordination among various stakeholders. The participants stated they are ready to share their own methods for overcoming this problem with others. At the same time, they call for the Ukrainian state to join in seeking solutions, particularly by creating clear guidelines on how Ukrainian citizens can fight for their rights abroad. As of now, such guidelines either do not exist or have not been sufficiently communicated by embassies.

Our foundation works in all schools across Poland, covering 5-6 voivodeships. We are documenting the situation regarding the discrimination of Ukrainian children in schools. Our director is currently [working] at the Polish ministry responsible for this—the Polish Ministry of National Education—working on the "Przyjazna szkoła" (“Friendly School”) program for migrant children. This discrimination is everywhere. There is no acceptance, no integration. We spoke with the education board (kuratorium) in Warsaw and the voivodeships; I ask them, why is there no long-term strategy? Why does it only exist on paper? They just shrug their shoulders.

I have a 12-year-old son. Despite the fact that I am not just a "random mom"—I was actually invited to work at this school on issues concerning Ukrainian children—we encountered such a horrific situation that my child went from having suicidal thoughts to needing antidepressants. It reached the point of a meeting with the principal. I traced the entire institutional structure, disagreed with the pedagogical council's decision, and went to the education department. That was my path. Why should I have to look for another school? Why do I have to fix things? What has this institution done? I am demanding a school with an appropriate profile. In an instant, everything was corrected. Yet, before that, the principal had suggested I just leave. And when I asked, "Should I return to Ukraine?", the teacher simply smiled. I have experience working in 60 schools in Warsaw, but my son's experience left me feeling helpless. I am currently consulting other mothers in the same position. Our institutions here must have a protocol of actions on what to do to counter bullying. Ukrainians must have a step-by-step algorithm on how to act, where to go, and what to do.

Our consulate writes about this kind of information—regarding bullying. But we don't know that the consulate is writing about it. It is on [Ambassador] Bodnar's page, but people are unaware of it.

There is a call center at the consulate. We are truly feeling a wave of children experiencing bullying. It’s not just people calling us; our colleagues are saying the same. Every one of us must know the procedure: call the teacher, write to them. A child might be afraid, so we must speak up. There are teachers who will react and those who will not. You have to go higher—to the principal, and then higher still. And it works. If someone doesn't know how to file this, we have templates on our Facebook page. There are also contacts on the embassy's page; you can call them.

The participants also noted that they are personally ready to engage in countering bullying, both regarding their own children and within the community at large. Some respondents mentioned that they are already participating in Polish government initiatives aimed at facilitating the integration of Ukrainian children. Others stated that they contribute to the fight against bullying by communicating this issue to both Polish and Ukrainian audiences, particularly within the human rights community.

What can we do about discrimination? I write articles for a legal publication in Ukraine concerning the discrimination of migrants in Poland. I present this [issue] to our lawyers so they can understand the nuances. This is of interest to both our lawyers and Ukrainians living here. For everyday people, this can be explained in simpler language so they know how to fight it and how to protect themselves. This includes writing blogs and disseminating information—explaining what carries legal liability. This is the method of engagement: writing blogs and appearing on television.

Based on my existing experience with schools in Warsaw, I was invited to help develop an induction briefing for migrants entering Polish schools. When a foreigner comes to a school with a child, they receive an induction; however, national solidarity is very strong in Poland, and this is difficult to overcome because the Polish mentality is not yet fully prepared to accept what it sees. Every region is different. More stakeholders must be involved to influence school policy.

At the same time, respondents noted that in the context of overcoming bullying, it is crucial to overcome the fear of defending one's rights in a foreign country. According to those interviewed, Ukrainian parents are not always ready to do this, which ultimately leads to a worsening of attitudes toward their children from both peers and teachers.

I am one of those parents who writes letters to education departments, to the school, to the sanitary-epidemiological station, and so on. I got a school security guard fired. Our parents brought that mentality of, “oh, why bother, keep quiet, what can you do?” Well, I can do a hell of a lot. I go to parent-teacher meetings and see how Polish parents speak to the teachers—our people act like pushovers; even if they were big shots back in Kyiv, here they sit in silence. I watch what Polish parents say to the teachers. Compared to them, ours are pushovers. “Keep quiet, or it will be bad for the child.” But here, too, you need to speak up about how the teacher treats our children. We dragged this mentality along with us, and we need to do something about it. The same logic applies here. If I see something suspicious, some kind of suppression—everything is fine, compliments. That’s how it worked back home, and that’s how it works here. We need to talk to ourselves about what we brought with us.

In addition to human rights advocacy, within the context of developing the Ukrainian community in Poland, dialogue participants mentioned the importance of sharing experiences and creating joint educational and cultural projects both within Poland and between Ukraine and the Ukrainian community abroad.

Integration-based intercultural meetings, projects, and educational and cultural initiatives.

Motivation to Engage in Socio-political Processes in Ukraine

Emotional Factors

When speaking about what motivates them to engage in the socio-political life of Ukraine, the dialogue participants primarily mentioned empathy and a desire to help others. Respondents said that they feel a certain responsibility for being in a safe environment while people in Ukraine suffer and perish every day.

Responsibility toward victims and those affected.

A sense of duty and conscience.

According the respondents, their greatest aspiration is to help the Armed Forces: many respondents have relatives and friends serving in the military. Constant contact with service members helps Ukrainians in Poland stay motivated to continue supporting the military.

The soldiers at the frontline need help. We constantly monitor the events at the frontline. 95% of my social circle consists of people at war or those connected to the front—medics or volunteers. When I left Ukraine with my child, I understood that I had to get her out, but at the same time, I was dealing with issues regarding evacuation buses for women and children, and for soldiers from abroad who wanted to enter Ukraine. My brother is at the front—and that motivates me most of all. I didn't give a thought to everyday life. This is a community that has been growing since 2014.

Future, Returning to Ukraine

Another emotional factor motivating socio-political participation was the desire for Ukraine’s victory and, consequently, the perspective to return home. Respondents expressed a strong desire to see Ukraine as a peaceful, developed, and prosperous country and are ready to put in the effort to make this wish a reality. This included both the desire to return and rebuild their own homes, as well as the hope for the country as a whole to develop and change for the better. At the same time, respondents noted that returning home could become another challenge for them due to a perceived sense of unfriendliness from the Ukrainians who remained in Ukraine.

The desire to see a flourishing Ukraine.

The desire for change. Why does a person share their point of view? A person shares their point of view to be heard and to change something around them.

The desire to reclaim my home.

Another motivation oriented toward the future is the participants' striving to ensure a stable and prosperous future for their children. Those interviewed emphasized a sense of responsibility to pass the country on to the next generation in a better state, without the need to resolve systemic problems all over again.

The child's future.

Preserving the children's identity.

We have something to fight for. Why did we gather here? It is for our children, their future, and the challenges they will face if we do not solve the current problems now.

For a portion of the dialogue participants, an important motivational factor also remains the preservation of Ukrainian cultural heritage, national memory, and identity.

Development of Ukrainian Community

Another motivation expressed by the dialogue participants is the development of the Ukrainian community in Poland. Respondents noted that they feel a sense of belonging to the Ukrainian community and, therefore, strive to support and motivate their fellow citizens—both in their host country and in Ukraine—as well as to develop and strengthen the capacity of the Ukrainian community in Poland. Specific emphasis was placed on the importance of enhancing international contacts and developing international cooperation for the Ukrainian community in Poland.

Belonging to the community.

We must motivate one another (we motivate those who stayed, and they motivate us). To keep living and to keep helping.

Strengthening international ties.

Barriers to Participation

In the context of discussing motivations and forms of participation in Ukraine's socio-political life, participants pointed to the existence of barriers that limit their level of engagement. Respondents noted, in particular, a lack of influence tools: while they have the opportunity for physical participation in various events, discussions, and even rallies when in Ukraine, doing so from abroad is much more difficult, as often only online tools remain available. Furthermore, the respondents mentioned that their own uncertainty is a major obstacle: being in a foreign country with often unfamiliar rules, many choose to not to engage in any activity in an attempt to avoid potential problems.

We all have the right to a voice here, yet for some reason, most of us in Poland over the last three years have not been pushing back against rudeness, contempt, or bullying. Ukrainian mothers in our Polish school were shocked that I argue with the teacher, go to the principal, demand attention for my son, and voice my grievances. For some reason, most still consider this unacceptable for themselves because “we are guests here.” There are many cases where people do not defend their rights. Ukrainians are afraid to stand up for their rights because they are not in their own home.

Requests to the State

During the dialogue, participants outlined a series of expectations and requests directed at the Ukrainian state, which, in their view, could help improve the conditions for Ukrainian citizens abroad. Some of these requests concerned the activities of the Ukrainian authorities in general, while others contained recommendations for policy changes regarding the Ukrainian diaspora.

When discussing general requests for the Ukrainian authorities, participants mostly mentioned the need to change the state's approach to positioning Ukraine on the international stage. In particular, respondents spoke about the necessity of forming a correct image of Ukraine in the world, strengthening cultural diplomacy, and so on. Furthermore, there were calls for Ukrainian officials to perform their work qualitatively, adapt to new conditions, and refrain from discrediting Ukraine with corruption scandals or inaction.

Don't steal, do your job well. There must be cultural diplomacy across all fronts, at the level of PR, forming the right image of Ukraine in the world. We don't need help; we will do everything ourselves. But do not discredit us with Mindich’es. There is no need to maintain a mere pretense of activity.

It is important to me that our officials do not treat their work nominally. Speaking from my own experience: we often reach out to state registrars in Ukraine. Two individuals from the Kherson region are two completely different state executors. One registrar from Nova Kakhovka did everything remotely, and the issue was resolved in five minutes. Half an hour later, we called another one, and that person knew nothing: “I don't know, we can't do that.” There is always a person behind every position. My message is that this should be actual work, not just the appearance of work.

Ukrainian institutions are living by the same rules as before the war. The war changed everything, but our state institutions are still living the way things were before the war.

Moreover, dialogue participants noted the need for institutional, promotional, and financial support for Ukrainian associations overseas. For the most part, this did not refer to direct state funding, but rather to the organization of a grant support system.

There are many public and social issues that need to be raised. However, we cannot do this due to a lack of opportunities, finances, and organization. Institutional support from the state is necessary: public support, promotion, branches of Ukrainian institutions, and grants. But there are jurisdictional issues.

Engaging in specific projects for the development of the Ukrainian community.

State institutional support for organizations and communities, including those that popularize Ukrainian culture.

Another request from the Ukrainian community in Warsaw concerned the renewal of the communication strategy regarding Ukrainians abroad. Specifically, the participants pointed to the need for effective state communication: according to respondents, current state policy toward them is fragmented and unstable, and interaction with elected officials is sporadic and often one-sided. Some interviewees also voiced the idea of creating a resource through which Ukrainians abroad could propose their ideas and visions for certain policies in Ukraine and receive feedback from state authorities in return.

Effective communication is needed. In 2024, I wrote a letter to various high-level state structures about a center for strategic communications with the diaspora. I was told, “It’s not the right time.” Then the Ministry of National Unity appeared, and UaHub emerged, which in six months accomplished what the ministry should have done. They actually consult us, which is encouraging, but they handle their own affairs. At the hub, we organized open and off-the-record meetings with MPs. This is valuable for them because they are officials; they represent us and Ukraine anywhere, even on Mars. We can blame them, but there’s a human factor involved. They need to know our pain points and requests. But how will they know? They can't read our “Moms of Warsaw” chats and know that our “800+” [benefits] are being taken away if we don't speak up. Effective two-way communication is vital. Our effective advice is needed.

Create a resource so that we can also be heard. There are many of us, but no one hears us. We don't know where to knock. Some kind of internet resource, like “Diia.” No one “fled”; we aren't “all-inclusive, five-star” tourists. Most of us left because circumstances forced us to. Where can we be heard? So that we have the opportunity to propose something. If I write a letter that ends up in spam, I haven't been heard. We need a feedback element and a way to deliver it.

The respondents also emphasized the need to develop unified strategic communications so that Ukraine speaks to the world as a “united front.”

It is important to discuss the significance of narratives. We need to move as one front, both business and the state. Our cultural diplomacy—we need narratives. Everyone associates Ukraine with hay and thatched huts, but we should be talking about our culture and identity. This is an inferiority complex. We must speak about our high culture.

Some respondents mentioned young people who move to Poland for studies and find themselves abroad without parental support, as well as children graduating from orphanages while in Poland.

What happens to children after they turn 18 who arrive without the support of parents that stayed in Ukraine? And what happens to children leaving foster care or children's homes when there are no legislative acts in place? This is another issue that needs to be raised.

Some respondents mentioned the need for support for parents who moved abroad with children. According to the participants, often children integrate into new communities faster than their parents. In such cases, families should be provided with support, specifically through the creation of dedicated structures or the provision of assistant services.

In families that arrived after the start of the war, the child is often the first to adapt. They become the bridge. In an unadapted family, they serve as the bridge to adaptation. This can lead to bullying because the mother cannot communicate; she is not adapted yet. There should be a structure that could guide the mother along this path—not just telling her what to do, but actually helping. There should be assistants.

Furthermore, respondents mentioned that when reflecting on returning to Ukraine, they primarily consider basic needs: security, employment, and housing. According to them, it is important to return to a country where they won't have to start everything from scratch.

How to bring Ukrainians back? For people to want to return, they need jobs and housing. The basics. I’ve been working three jobs here for four years. I have my own dream, project, and activities—but for that, I need a foundation. If I return, I have to start from zero again. I really don't want to start from scratch again. There must be an understanding that my basic needs will be met. It should be interesting and safe for me to return and realize my potential. Security—first and foremost physical, financial, and emotional.

Analysis of Individual Answers

After the group discussion on the two previous topics concluded, participants of the facilitated dialogue were asked to respond to two additional questions:

One challenge you face while living abroad.
One thing that holds you back from returning to Ukraine?

The participants provided their answers to these questions individually in writing. This format was chosen to ensure anonymity and increase the likelihood of sincere responses, as well as to provide everyone with an opportunity to speak. The collected responses were organized by OPORA representatives into thematic areas and analyzed.

Additional Question 1. One Challenge You Face While Living Abroad

For many dialogue participants, the key challenge abroad was integration into Polish society. This primarily concerned the prejudiced attitudes of some local residents toward Ukrainians, which have become increasingly strained over time. In the respondents’ opinion, they are perceived through the prism of stereotypes and face discrimination. There was also talk of the fear of conflict based on historical grounds and the constant need to defend their identity. Some respondents noted that they have not adapted to Poland at all, linking this to the death of their partners in the war.

Stereotypes about Ukrainians. That they are migrant workers, not smart, uneducated, and only work for the money.

Fear of conflict on historical grounds (referring to a sense of loss of control).

The constant need to defend Ukrainian identity and the truth about the war.

I haven't adapted and I don't want to. I'm alone with two children. Their father died. My life is just existing.

Respondents also noted poor communication with local authorities: according to them, the Polish authorities are indifferent to their problems, and they are unable to influence the political situation.

Inability to influence the political situation in Poland.

Indifference of the state and the arrogance of government officials.

Another challenge mentioned by participants is the job search and financial difficulties. As noted by the respondents, finding well-paid work is difficult, and often—especially when combined with a drastic change in social status—can lead to frustration. Furthermore, respondents spoke of profound exhaustion and, simultaneously, an inability to quit or take a break from work.

I cannot afford to take a break from work (even for 2–3 months). And I am so very tired.

Lack of work and funding.

A major challenge for the dialogue participants in Warsaw proved to be constant uncertainty. According to the respondents, they feel exhausted and powerless because they are unable to influence the situation in Ukraine in any way.

Ьн family is “on the rack” [torn between two places], uncertainty.

Inability to influence the situation both in the host country and in Ukraine.

Another challenge mentioned was the language: not all find it easy to master Polish. Additionally, some complained about the difficulty of organizing Ukrainians in Poland to support Ukraine.

Approximately 200,000 Ukrainians live in the Masovian Voivodeship, in Warsaw. Only a few thousand are helping volunteers and soldiers. It hurts!

Additional Question 2. One Thing That Holds You Back from Returning to Ukraine

A key factor deterring dialogue participants from returning from abroad is the sense of general instability in Ukraine. Above all, this refers to security risks associated with the ongoing war, active hostilities, and regular shelling. Respondents with children spoke about this particularly often. Frequently, this is compounded by the experience of previous loss: several interviewees emphasized that they have already lost their homes due to shelling.

Children's lives.

A child whom I don't want to subject to missiles and blackouts.

Danger to the child due to daily destruction.

The destruction of a private house by a bomb strike.

Participants mentioned economic instability in Ukraine, too. This referred to difficulties in finding a job, a sense of economic insecurity, and a lack of prospects for personal development, as well as corruption cases, especially at the highest levels of government. Overall, a significant portion of the dialogue participants indicated that they feel financially vulnerable.

Lack of prospects.

The economy and financial stability.

War, corruption, and insecurity.

Finally, some dialogue participants noted that they stay in Poland because they are looking after their children's future. Specifically, this involved a child's desire to study abroad and a feeling that the parents are providing more benefit while abroad than they would at home.

The feeling that my presence here, abroad, is necessary. Because right now, I am doing significantly more for Ukraine here than I did before at home.

My son's desire to study at a technical college in Warsaw for the next few years.

Methodology

There is a wide range of methods for collecting and analyzing public opinion that allow for the exploration of the views, needs, and expectations of various social groups, adapting different approaches to the context and specificities of the audience. Specifically, these include in-depth interviews, focus groups, surveys, content analysis, observation, and more. Given the research objectives and available resources, the Civil Network OPORA selected the facilitated dialogue approach among other data collection methods.

Facilitated dialogues are aimed at improving citizen engagement and integrating their opinions into public policies, ensuring their implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. Among the key tasks that OPORA set for itself while conducting dialogues with Ukrainian communities abroad were:

Systematization of the experiences of Ukrainian citizens who went abroad as a result of the full-scale invasion;
Development of a strategy for interaction between Ukrainian citizens abroad and Ukraine’s democratic institutions and civil society;
Promotion of a common understanding of problems and needs, and the involvement of Ukrainian citizens abroad in the formation of domestic policies within Ukraine.

Facilitated dialogue is a distinct methodological approach that has a specific purpose and implementation method. It requires a specialized way of interaction between participants that differs from classic sociological approaches. While facilitated dialogue shares many similarities with focus groups—specifically in creating a safe space for discussion, engaging diverse perspectives, and analyzing collective narratives—these two approaches serve different goals through different methodological frameworks. In Table 1, we outline the key differences between facilitated dialogues and focus groups, which highlight the core characteristics and specifics of each approach.

Methodological Features of Focus Groups and Facilitated Dialogues

	Focus Group	Facilitated Dialogue
Aim	Used as a research tool to collect opinions, perceptions, and feedback from participants regarding specific topics, policies, or conflicts. The primary goal is to collect data for analysis.	Promoting mutual understanding, building trust, and facilitating meaningful conversations between participants. The goal is to create mutual understanding and shared learning.
Facilitation Approach	Conducted by moderators who guide discussions using a standardized set of questions to ensure the collection of relevant data. The role of the moderator is to keep the group on track and ensure the conversation aligns with the research objectives.	Led by a dialogue leader who encourages an open and balanced exchange of ideas, sometimes without predetermined questions. The role of facilitators is to create a safe space, encourage active listening, and foster deeper conversation.
Participant Interaction	Interaction is often limited; participants respond to questions and occasionally interact with one another, but within a highly structured environment. It requires a structured approach to the selection of all participants.	Participants are encouraged to engage in deeper, more open discussions with one another, exploring perspectives and ensuring equal participation in the conversation. This approach is more qualitative in terms of its commitment to inclusivity.
Result Orientation	The result consists of concrete findings or insights that can serve as a basis for decision-making, research conclusions, and so on.	Leads to the establishment of relationships, improved understanding, and often personal or collective transformations of opinions. The outcome provides tangible data for analyzing collective views, but also intangible benefits, such as trust.
Nature of the Discussion	More evaluation-oriented, centered on opinions and feedback. Participants often stay within the boundaries of the specific questions provided.	Exploratory and reflective, allowing participants to more freely discuss personal experiences, stories, and viewpoints.
Duration and Structure	Usually limited in time (for example, 1–2 hours) with a structured agenda, typically conducted as a series of sessions.	Can be more flexible in duration and, if necessary, may span several sessions to develop deeper discussions and foster stronger relationships.

Facilitated dialogues consisted of three main stages:

The preparatory stage, which included recruiting participants, developing the dialogue plan, and training facilitators to lead the discussions.
The main stage, which involved the direct facilitation of the dialogues and the collection of data based on the discussions.
The final stage, which consisted of processing, analyzing, and describing the data obtained during the dialogues.

Based on the results of the discussions, a report was prepared.

Preparation Stage

During the preparatory stage of the facilitated dialogue, Civil Network OPORA adapted the discussion methodology to the specific context and characteristics of Germany. Representatives of OPORA determined that facilitated dialogue should be the key data collection method, as it creates a trusting atmosphere that encourages Ukrainian citizens abroad to engage in frank and deep discussions regarding their experiences and needs. Additionally, preliminary research was conducted on the communities where the dialogues would take place to identify key local leaders capable of assisting with the on-site organization of the facilitated dialogue.

A crucial part of the preparatory stage was the recruitment of participants. To achieve this, local community leaders conducted targeted outreach among their own contacts, inviting Ukrainians living in Poland (primarily in Warsaw) to participate in the dialogues.

In total, 23 Ukrainians participated in the facilitated dialogue in Germany (20 women and 3 men). The average age of the participants was 47 years. All participants are employed, and most are involved in volunteering and civic activism.

The majority of respondents moved to Germany after the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation; however, some had been living in Poland prior to 2022. At the same time, some participants left for Poland from settlements that, at certain periods of the Russian-Ukrainian war, were under direct threat of occupation or were occupied.

It is important to note that since participation in the facilitated dialogue was voluntary and relied solely on the participants' own motivation, this may have influenced the subsequent discussion results. Participants with a strong Ukrainian identity, who maintain closer ties with the Ukrainian community and demonstrate civic and political activity (participation in rallies, fundraising, etc.), were more motivated to join the event.

Main Stage

The main stage of the research consisted of conducting a facilitated dialogue in Warsaw on December 11, 2025. The duration of the facilitated dialogue was 3 hours and 30 minutes.

The facilitated dialogue was composed of 3 primary parts:

Introduction. The goal of this part was to create a safe environment where participants could get to know one another, feel ready to share their own stories, and listen to each other. During this part, the facilitators:

Introduced themselves and the primary goals of the dialogue, ensuring the clarity and transparency of the process.
Organized introductions among the participants and divided them into groups for further discussion.

Facilitated dialogue. The goal of this part was the group discussion of key issues brought forward by Civil Network OPORA. Within this part, the facilitators:
1. Explained the key principles upon which the dialogue would be built and familiarized the participants with the plan for further discussion.
2. Moderated the group discussion of questions and the presentation of group findings by representatives from each group.
3. Moderated individual reflections based on the results of the discussions.
Closing part. The purpose of this part was to obtain individual responses from the participants to two additional questions, explain the value of such discussions to the attendees, and encourage them to maintain contact. During this part, the facilitators:
1. Posed two additional questions to the participants, the answers to which were to be individual. The responses were provided in writing and collected by the facilitators.
2. Organized a final "sharing circle" for discussion and informal networking after the conclusion of the dialogue.

The facilitated dialogue was based on several key principles (see the table below), with which the participants were familiarized before the discussion began.

Principles of Facilitated Dialogue

Respect	Dialogue is a collective process of listening and exchanging opinions. All opinions are important. In a dialogue, we do not try to convince one another of our expertise; on the contrary, we treat the thoughts of others as an opportunity to update and improve our own opinions, ideas, and visions. Respect ensures the safe environment that we strive to create during our conversation.
Empathy	Dialogue provides the opportunity to hear opinions that may differ from your own point of view, values, convictions, or faith. This diversity offers a chance to accept and listen to different opinions with empathy and an attempt to put oneself in another person's shoes. Such an approach strengthens trust.
Balance of Expectations	A dialogue does not always reach a specific result or agreement regarding concrete actions. The group will not necessarily reach a consensus, and it can be expected that finalizing recommendations may require a compromise from everyone.
Equality and Inclusion	Every participant has the opportunity to speak. The dialogue format promotes equal and inclusive participation. All opinions, ideas, and visions are equally significant and important.
Confidentiality	In communications, no references are made to names, nor is an individual’s contribution to the dialogue personified.

The key questions around which the discussion of the facilitated dialogue was organized were:

What connects you to Ukraine when you are far from home?
What motivates you to engage in socio-political life in Ukraine while being abroad? How can this be done?

In addition, during the closing part of the facilitated dialogue, the facilitators asked participants to provide anonymous written responses to two further questions:

One challenge you face while living abroad.
One thing that holds you back from returning to Ukraine.

Taking into account the sensitive nature of the topics discussed, as well as the need to create comfortable conditions and a trusting atmosphere for the participants, Civil Network OPORA deliberately did not conduct video or audio recording during the event. Instead, during the dialogue, representatives of Civil Network OPORA took notes on key discussion points while maintaining confidentiality, of which the participants were informed in advance. Furthermore, photography took place during the event, for which those present had provided prior written consent.

Final Stage

During the third and concluding stage, the preliminary findings obtained during the facilitated dialogue were structured and systematized for further analysis. The results were anonymized, digitized, and processed by OPORA analysts. Subsequently, the discussion results were categorized into thematic blocks and documented. Generalized conclusions were also prepared and later integrated into the final report.

Community

Warsaw (December 12, 2025)

Location UA HUB, Obrzeżna 7, 02-691 Warsaw, Poland

Number of participants: 23

Co-organised by: UaHub

Specifics of Community. A significant portion of the dialogue participants are civic activists and volunteers who are actively involved in the socio-political life of Ukraine and the Ukrainian community abroad. At the same time, the dialogue included Ukrainians engaged in entrepreneurial activities in Poland, as well as Ukrainian citizens who collaborate with Polish authorities to address the issues and challenges facing Ukrainians living abroad.

This report was created within the "Advancing Democratic Integrity and Governance in Ukraine” project, which is implemented by Civil Network OPORA with the support of the EU. Its contents are the sole responsibility of Civil Network OPORA and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union.