Contents

Methodology

People With Disabilities

Internally Displaced Persons

Russian-Speaking Ukrainians

Ukrainians Abroad

Veterans and Family of the Military

Methodology

The research was conducted in several consecutive stages.

At the preparatory stage, the key parameters of the research design were defined: core research questions were formulated; relevant social media platforms and channels were selected as the primary data sources; the timeframe for analysis was established; and technical preparations were carried out, including the development of custom software tools for the automated collection and processing of messages.

During the main stage, a comprehensive dataset was compiled. From this dataset, messages containing references to predefined social groups were filtered. At this stage, preliminary processing of the data was also conducted using a large language model (LLM).

The final stage involved content analysis. On the one hand, the frequency of references to each group was examined. On the other hand, narratives and thematic contexts in which each group was represented were analyzed. 

Preparatory Stage

The preparatory stage included the development of the research design, aligned with the overall project framework, as well as the technical preparation of the infrastructure required for further data collection and analysis. 

As the study is part of a broader project on social cohesion in Ukraine, the list of social groups to be analysed was determined in advance. The research focused on five groups that are potentially more vulnerable to a number of prejudices and stereotypes, and may require special attention in the state policy. They are people with disabilities, veterans of the Russian-Ukrainian war, internally displaced persons, Ukrainians staying abroad, and Russian-speaking citizens. In this part of the project, the focus was on exploring the extent of presence of these  groups in the information space, the contexts mentioning them, and the  perceptions generated around them.

Given the growing role of digital platforms in disseminating news and shaping public opinion, the study focused on social media with a particularly high outreach among the Ukrainian population. According to a nationwide survey conducted by OPORA, social media is the primary source of news and information for the majority of Ukrainians (73.4% of respondents). Among these platforms, Telegram emerged as the most widely used messenger, with 78.1% of users reporting that they receive news updates through it.

Telegram was therefore selected as the key platform for data collection. Its specific characteristics, including the absence of effective content moderation, the prevalence of anonymous channels, and the widespread dissemination of news content that may include stigmatising language or marginalising narratives, make it especially relevant for examining the public representation of vulnerable social groups.

Due to the lack of transparency on Telegram, particularly the absence of public channel rankings and limited access to audience and reach data, the sample of the most popular Telegram channels was compiled using an open-access database. The final sample included 25 of the most popular news, analytical, and journalistic channels targeting a Ukrainian audience. Almost all of them have subscriber counts exceeding 750,000. While most channels in the sample are public, several closed channels requiring administrator approval for access were also included. The primary language of content is Ukrainian, though some channels are bilingual or Russian-language. The full list of channels is available in Appendix 1.

A 140-day timeframe was selected for the analysis, spanning from 19 November 2024 to 7 April 2025. The starting point was defined by a key political development: the presentation of the Internal Resilience Plan of Ukraine by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to the Verkhovna Rada, which marked the first official reference to the future Ministry of National Unity. The Ministry was formally established on 3 December 2024, based on the restructuring of the Ministry for the Reintegration of the Temporarily Occupied Territories of Ukraine. As the Ministry plays a central role in policy making related to social cohesion, the study’s timeline was designed to track potential shifts in the representation of vulnerable social groups following the launch of its activities. The end date corresponds with the conclusion of the research project.

In addition, technical tools for automated data collection from Telegram were adjusted during the preparatory stage. A custom script was developed to extract messages from the selected channels, and supporting infrastructure was prepared to enable further data processing. The script for data collection and analysis is available at the link.

Main Stage

The main stage involved the automated collection of messages from the selected Telegram channels and the initial classification of content. Messages published during the research timeframe (19 November 2024 – 7 April 2025) were retrieved via the Telegram API using the Telethon Python library. Only text-based posts were included in the analysis; media files (such as images, video, or audio) were excluded. The data was stored as an array containing the message text, publication date, channel name, and additional technical parameters required for subsequent processing. In total, 91,245 messages were downloaded from the selected channels.

The study employed a combined approach to automated message classification, integrating both keyword-based filtering and classification using a large language model (LLM). The LLM was fine-tuned using predefined categories and tailored descriptors, allowing for semantic grouping of messages regardless of lexical variations. The results of both methods were then merged to ensure the broadest possible coverage of content related to the selected social groups.

This hybrid approach made it possible to capture a wider spectrum of relevant messages; however, it does not eliminate the possibility of including some irrelevant cases. To assess the reliability of the classification, a manual validation was conducted by comparing the automated results with a pre-coded sample of 1,500 randomly selected messages from the full Telegram dataset.

The average classification accuracy was 89.07%, with the following breakdown by category:

  • Ukrainians abroad – 88.24% (30 out of 34 messages correctly classified)
  • Veterans and military families – 73.68% (14 out of 19)
  • Internally displaced persons – 66.67% (4 out of 6)
  • People with disabilities – 80.00% (12 out of 15)
  • Russian-speaking Ukrainians – 33.33% (2 out of 6)
  • Other – 89.46% (2,138 out of 2,390)

Based on the classification results, the final dataset for content analysis was constructed. It included 92,929 text posts extracted from 25 Telegram channels.

The Final Stage 

At the final stage of the study, the content of the previously classified messages was analysed. The analysis included two components: quantitative, which involved counting the frequency of mentions of each of the five social groups, and qualitative, which focused on identifying the main topics and narratives through which these groups were represented in the selected Telegram channels.

As part of the quantitative analysis, the total number of mentions of each group for Ukrainian and Russian-language Telegram channels was determined for each of the groups studied (Appendix 3). This made it possible to assess how well each group is represented in the informational space, as well as to identify whether there are groups among the selected cases whose experience, problems or views remain virtually invisible to the public information field in the sampled Telegram channels.

The qualitative analysis identified the most common narratives related to each of the five social groups studied, as well as the key ways in which their views and challenges are covered. In some cases, stigmatising language or discourse that could potentially increase social tensions or reinforce prejudices against a particular group was also recorded. 

Also, at the final stage of the research, all the results and findings were systematised and described by the analysts of the Civil Network OPORA in this report.

Limitations

During the period covered by the study, a significant portion of attention within Ukrainian Telegram channels was directed toward foreign policy developments—particularly the presidential election in the United States, the peace initiative launched by newly elected U.S. President Donald Trump, and the evolving dynamics of Ukraine’s relations with the EU and the U.S. As a result, certain domestic topics—especially those related to the social groups under study—may have received relatively less coverage in the studied Telegram channels.

Another important limitation concerns the use of automated models for text processing. While large language models significantly streamline the filtering and classification of messages, they do not always accurately detect irony, sarcasm, or nuanced double meanings. This limitation is especially relevant in the Telegram environment, where content is often subjective, emotionally charged, or intentionally provocative. These features can affect the model’s ability to interpret messages accurately.

Additionally, the nature of the Telegram channels included in the sample must be considered. Some of the selected channels are private, meaning they require administrator approval for content access. As a result, not all messages analyzed can be accessed through direct links. To ensure transparency, Civil Network OPORA analysts documented such cases by capturing relevant posts in the form of screenshots.

People With Disabilities

The study analyzed 722 posts in Telegram channels mentioning people with disabilities. In the Ukrainian language segment, we documented 297 posts (56 of them were later identified as an error), in the Russian language segment — 423 posts. We analyzed all the documented cases referring to disability-related topics to find out the associations and images the readers of the most popular Telegram channels have about this matter. Therefore, we outlined 4 key narratives dominating the Ukrainian segment of Telegram. An abundance of posts are related in some ways, which makes the division provisional, since one post may be related to several topics at the same time.

Key Conclusions

  • The analysis of Telegram news channels shows that the disability narrative mostly focuses on the legal aspect, such as state benefits and cases of status abuse. It is especially notable in the context of discussions of evasion from military service based on falsified disability status, where they talk about disability as a status rather than the real needs and challenges faced by persons with disabilities. The approach distorts public perception of disability since it transforms it into a tool to evade responsibilities. At the same time, it can generate passive, or even hostile attitudes of the general public to persons who genuinely need support and protection, which is especially relevant to people with no explicitly visible disabilities.
  • Impact of the full-scale war on the disability narrative. The full-scale invasion has affected the perspectives of reporting about disability. The posts in Telegram channels often show a modern-day person with a disability as caused by hostilities. Most cases mention veterans, their deeds, reintegration of the wounded combatants and the assistance provided for treatment. However, even this topic is covered to a lesser extent than the cases of abusing the disability status.
  • The focus on financial and legal aspects and the lack of an integral picture. Even in the context of references to war victims, Telegram channels mostly focus on financial and legal aspects of disability. There is hardly any communication about public and private projects, social initiatives, or independent organizations operating in Ukraine and helping resume life after injury, or posts describing the needs. The lack of focus on people with disabilities not related to the war is especially prominent. If you find any references to such stories, a person with disability would often be presented as part of a scandal (such as a victim of beating or robbery), which reinforces negative images and stereotypes.
  • Politicization and instrumentalization of support for people with disabilities. It is not rare that news related to people with disabilities link to politicians or cultural figures. Such publications depict a politician as a protagonist, and people with disabilities are just a necessary “environment” that builds a philanthropic image of the speaker and positively shapes his/her reputation. It confirms the instrumentalization of an image of persons with disabilities to achieve other objectives, not related to their actual needs.
  • The differences in reporting about disability in Russian-language channels. In a batch of posts that are different from Ukrainian ones, disability is not considered as a social challenge or social concern. Instead, its image has been consistently used as a tool to undermine trust to the Ukrainian authorities, increase demoralization and spread panic. 
  • Russian-language messages do not build a complete image of people with disability since they never describe their stories or life experiences. On the other hand, the term “disability” is used exclusively as a political tool for intimidation and influence. On the contrary, Russian language channels more often use the unethical language about persons with disabilities.

Disability and Military Service

Disability was mostly mentioned in the context of military service. Mostly, they are posts about registration of disability status during military service, such as after the combat injury or to be granted a deferment (for persons liable for military service). The information on granting disability status to captivity survivors stands out. The news was accompanied by the quote from the Health Care Ministry: “It is an important step recognizing the real consequences of the war for human health, and the limitations that are now left behind."

The Bureaucracy in Disability Registration

As regards the registration of a disability status for members of the military, disability has entered the military discourse. Telegram channels detail on the rules for passing the military medical commission, the role of Medical Social Expert Commission (MSEC), the mechanisms for obtaining different disability forms, etc. The posts mention men liable for military service trying to obtain a deferment, and members of the military who suffered an injury but are still struggling with the paperwork. Some posts provide a neutral account about the bureaucratic aspects involved in being granted a disability status or the disability motivated deferment, the novelties in this process and its digitalization. 

To some extent, the frequency of mentioning disability is not about any direct interest in the topic but rather about the context of deferment from the military service. Since your disability or a disability of a family member counts as one of the grounds to obtain a deferment, disability is often mentioned in the posts about conditions of (non)eligibility for military draft. Therefore, some reports on disability covered by the study only mention disability in the list of criteria for deferment or inform about who and how shall take the military medical commission, and about all changes or novelties to the procedure. 

Vulnerability of people with disabilities in the context of mobilization

Emotional messages with intimidating tones are quite common. They describe that TCRs often ignore the officially confirmed disabilities of men who are potentially liable for military service and liable in fact. These posts refer to disability not as an objective ground for deferment, but as a formality that can be easily challenged or ignored by the authorized bodies.

One of the most common forms of the narrative are the “scare stories” claiming that because of the MSEC reform, people with disabilities need to retake the examination where they are further illegitimately qualified as liable for the military service and called to active duty. Such posts often have emotional click bait headlines, such as about the government that will “force invalids” to serve. One such post mentioned an alleged TCR staff member named Volodymyr who confirms that the “formal MMC” would often qualify as liable the individuals with lifelong disability. The story was reposted by four of the 18 Ukrainian-language channels under study. We also documented at least three different Telegram channels referring to Volodymyr in other similar posts. Another example of the narrative: a post about a young man with impaired vision who had allegedly been detained by the TCR when he was walking his dog, and further sent to serve in an assault platoon, despite his incapacity. The post also reports that his mother was blackmailed to pay a bribe. 

Telegram channels fill the informational space with emotional and often contradictory and unverified news about the work of TCRs, thus expanding the credibility gap for the military institutions, often with no grounds behind. In addition, the posts focus on insufficient protection and vulnerability of people with disabilities in the face of the government, and about the impossibility to have their rights protected in the wartime.

As to the members of the military who became disabled during the service, Ukrainian Telegram channels usually publish posts of the two following types: to report about the available assistance, rehabilitation, and support of the military with disabilities, and their success stories.

The most common cluster of posts inform about the social assistance that the military members with disabilities are eligible for and how to obtain it: access to rehabilitation centers and improvement of their work, to government programs for prosthetics, an initiative on the adaptation of veterans to civilian life, etc. 

Occasionally, there are some success stories of veterans with disabilities, mostly about their exclusive sports achievements. For instance, the sporting achievements in Parajiu-Jitsu of a veteran Oleksandr Mikhov, and the stories of the military who climbed the Hoverla Mountain on their prosthetics. These posts frame sporting achievements of the heroes as an “overcoming the limitations” imposed by disability, and highlight their “strength of mind”.

Faked Disability As a Way to Evade Military Service

Similarly, the disability is also mentioned not as a condition of physical or mental health but as a formal status often falsified to evade one’s duty to protect the state. In this case, they write about the falsification of documents and the corruption in the MSEC system. Most posts report about the withdrawal of faked disability statuses from public officials and law-enforcement officers.

Telegram channels consistently inform about the verifications of legality in obtaining disability categories among public officials, most often – in the law-enforcement field. Here, the falsified disability status is framed as preferential, mostly as a privilege for individuals liable for the military duty. For instance, the report about the inspection campaign in Khmelnytskyi, where as few as 3 of the 17 prosecutors managed to confirm the facts of their real disability. For others, the status was withdrawn after the repeated medical checkup. 

This narrative also highlights various options of the so-called “evasion schemes”, such as various ways ordinary men use to falsify legal disability status for themselves or for close relatives to avoid military service, or to be able to travel abroad. These posts actively write about bribes to MSEC staff who are illegitimately granting disability status to men with no eligible grounds so that they could have a deferment from the army or travel abroad. Thus, one of the Telegram channels wrote that in Kharkiv Oblast, thousands of such faked MSEC certificates had been withdrawn. In such posts, similar to the previous ones, faked disability is often bought not only for themselves but also for family members, such as for wives or children, but always for the same reasons. 

Some posts also refer to a contrary problem, although not so often: MSEC is accused of granting a disability status to non-eligible individuals, and also of refusing the status to persons who truly deserve it, such as to the military members who had been injured in combat.

In addition to abuses involving representatives of state bodies, the channels covered cases of fake marriages with women with disabilities, and sometimes they mentioned “match-making agencies” that provide services for such marriages. There are also seemingly absurd cases where men are caught faking physical disabilities, such as a man who pretended to have hearing and speech impairments, but later voice messages recorded by himself were found on his phone.

All channels featuring a story about the sham man referred to people with hearing and speech impairments as “mute” or “deaf and dumb.” These words are outdated and stigmatizing, as they are considered to have a derogatory or discriminatory connotation in present-day usage. The vocabulary indicates the lack of a sensitive approach to the topic of disability in the Telegram discourse.

In such news stories, instead of being given special status, disability is reduced to a desirable tool for achieving a goal, primarily in corruption schemes. Although informing the public about the misconduct of officials and maintaining public pressure to ensure justice are important safeguards of a democratic society, the fact that disability is primarily highlighted in this context contributes to public skepticism about most people with disability ID cards. Unintentionally, Telegram channels create an image of “fictitious disability” and reinforce mistrust of an entire social category, as almost all of the messages mentioned focus exclusively on abuse rather than on people's real needs.

Therefore, the disability status in Telegram channels is most often “reduced down” to “shirking”, both in individual cases, and on a larger scale schemes involving public officials. Thus, disability is simplified to a legal status allowing to evade the responsibilities or to be in for benefits. These posts never mention any real people with disabilities, the challenges they face, their stories or needs. 

Supporting People With Disabilities 

A separate thematic group, although smaller, consists of reports on various types of support for people with disabilities. Most of these reports concerned state suppor, such as: social benefits, privileges, improvements in access to services, etc. These posts are written in a neutral, informative style without any noticeable emotional overtones.

The potential cancellation of payments for persons with second and third categories of disability was actively discussed — this news spread after a statement by an MP, although it was not officially confirmed. Subsequently, another MP refuted this, which was also reported by Telegram channels. Instead, a number of posts provide information about specific types of support that is already in place or being introduced: additional payments for receiving social benefits through Ukrposhta, which the channels under research refer to as “Zelensky's thousand”, one-time winter assistance to low-income families and IDP families with disabled members, assistance for sports activities for persons with disabilities resulting from the war, etc.

They also reported on the simplification of procedures for obtaining or extending disability status, such as the abolition of the requirement for compulsory inpatient treatment, the introduction of electronic disability certificates in the “Diia” app, and simplified admission to higher education institutions for people with disabilities. Several publications also reported on increased liability for violations of the rights of persons with disabilities, including higher fines for parking in spaces reserved for this category.

Content analysis revealed a limited number of posts related to non-governmental support for people with disabilities. It is noteworthy that all identified materials highlighting support and initiatives by non-governmental organizations, foundations, or politicians have a distinctly promotional nature. These posts rarely contain specific information about the direct recipients of assistance, focusing mainly on the activities of the organizers or patrons themselves. For example, a report about the opening of a private driving school for people with disabilities, with the assistance of a local deputy in Mykolaiv.

Among the mentions of assistance, there are business initiatives. We documented the reports that the SOCAR gas station chain had successfully passed a barrier-free inspection, as well as a campaign by Coca-Cola. "Festive mood in every bottle: “Coca-Cola supports the most vulnerable Ukrainians,” reads the headline of news about Coca-Cola's gift of New Year's bottles to people with disabilities.

Among the overall mass of messages in this category, one personality stands out. Again, it is not a person with a disability, but Ukrainian politician and businessman Rinat Akhmetov. Quite often, this category includes posts of stories of children who received assistance under the program "Rinat Akhmetov – to Children. Help that gives you a gift of tomorrow," accompanied by identical texts. These posts also contained a call to parents of children with hearing impairments to contact Akhmetov's foundation for help.

Content analysis shows that publications mostly focus on the name of the philanthropist, politician, or brand, rather than on the life circumstances, challenges, or experiences of a person with a disability. While this emphasis may go in line with the corporate or political communication goals of the benefactors, it limits the public visibility of people with disabilities in the context of social information. Narratives about initiatives are diluted in brand promotion, which leads to the presentation of inclusion as a single act of charity rather than a systemic rule, and also portrays people with disabilities only as recipients of charitable assistance.

Everyday Life, Visibility, and Needs

We have documented only some sporadic cases of coverage of at least some aspects of the lives of people with disabilities, challenges and inclusion to achieve the same level of basic everyday comfort and freedom of choice as people without disabilities. In contrast to the previous narrative of people with disabilities as recipients of assistance, here we are already seeing a shift in tone toward highlighting the exceptional achievements of people “despite” their disabilities — for example, the performance of a young gymnast who lost her leg in a Russian attack and was awarded the title “Miss Unbreakable.”

The real everyday stories of people with disabilities, their education, employment, social participation, life in the city, are not covered at all. If disability unrelated to military service is mentioned at all, it is only in the context of calendar days dedicated to people with disabilities. For example, news about Down Syndrome Awareness Day is labeled as “a date that reminds us of equality, support, and acceptance,” with a list of facts about people with the syndrome. International Day of Persons with Disabilities is mentioned in a similar vein, referred to solely as one of the items in a list of “holidays and events celebrated today,” alongside the International 3D Day. among other things..

At the same time, we documented significantly more references to people with disabilities where they are portrayed as victims of crime and exploitation. These posts recur frequently enough to frame a trend toward portraying disability as a marker of vulnerability.

A significant portion of the reports within this narrative concern fraudulent schemes or violent acts victimizing people with disabilities. Some of the most emotionally charged examples are a news story with the headline “People With Disabilities Get Poisoned For Apartments,” and a story about teenagers who, according to the news story, beat up a 50-year-old man with a disability and stole his pension.

Law enforcement officers were involved in another widely publicized incident. The post stated that police officers threw a man with a prosthetic leg to the ground. “During the interaction, the driver behaved aggressively and tried to leave the scene, threatening the patrol officers with physical violence,” commented the National Police, which was supposed to justify the actions of law enforcement officers in the eyes of the public.

We identified several similar posts highlighting the vulnerability of children with disabilities. For example, there were stories about how men subject to military service were registering as caregivers of children with disabilities in order to obtain the right to travel abroad, and then were abandoning them abroad.

In addition, reports on the consequences of Russian shelling of Ukrainian cities often highlighted whether the victims had disabilities. For example, they mentioned rescuers helping nine people with reduced mobility in Sumy after an enemy drone strike, or of assistance provided to a woman with a disability in Kharkiv. Also, in news, which primarily concerns ensuring the energy independence of an apartment building amid frequent power outages, they assign particular importance of uninterrupted power supply for people with disabilities.

This group also includes concerns about new initiatives that could create additional risks for people with disabilities. For example, one member of the Verkhovna Rada, in a comment quoted by a Telegram channel, stated that Ukrposhta's legislative initiative to create “financial inclusion banks” “could make it easier for fraudsters to deceive pensioners and people with disabilities out of their money.” 

Despite the diversity of contexts, these publications share the same narrative: people with disabilities are often portrayed as individuals who are vulnerable or victims of indifference, violence, or manipulation. On the one hand, this image can evoke sympathy and a sense of responsibility to protect these individuals. On the other hand, it reinforces the perception of disability as synonymous with social vulnerability and lack of agency, effectively nullifying the possibility for the group itself to demonstrate its independent voice or identity.

Specifics of Russian-Language Telegram Channels

We also found significant differences in the coverage of disability between Russian-language and Ukrainian-language channels. In total, we recorded 423 mentions in Russian, of which more than 200 did not meet the relevance criteria. In the Russian-language segment, disability is often used as a means of creating a negative image of the state, the army, and mobilization policy. Although some reports coincide with Ukrainian-language sources in terms of subject matter, but the style, tone, and emphasis in pro-Russian publications are distinguished by systematic criticism of the authorities, emotional pressure, and a pessimistic background, which reinforces distrust of state institutions. Key differences include:

  • more focus on criticizing the state and mobilization;
  • the derogatory word “invalids” would be used more often to criticize the state,
  • demoralization and pessimistic attitudes for Ukraine’s future are dominant.

Disability As a Way to Evade Mobilization 

Both language groups of channels often cover cases of faked disability registration. These are usually news stories about men of conscription age who are accused of illegally obtaining certificates, as well as about officials or law enforcement officers who allegedly abuse their status to register disability. However, Russian-language sources show a clearer polarization between “honest military personnel” and “corrupt officials.” Overall, this group contains more reports aimed at provoking a strong emotional response.

For example, in one of the Russian-language channels, deputies from Borodianka, accused of falsely obtaining disability status, were called “new war invalids” in the headline. In the news, soldiers mockingly “give a present” of wheelchairs to the officials. The deputies are also called ‘parasites’ who “rob the community,” while other Ukrainians “sacrifice everything for victory’s sake.” This example demonstrates the use of disability to reinforce narratives of corruption and injustice, as well as to demoralize the audience. It is noteworthy that Russian-language channels more often use derogatory and emotionally charged vocabulary such as “disabled/lame/epileptic,” etc.

Unlike Ukrainian-language sources, Russian-language channels actively share the narrative about the “mass indiscriminate mobilization of people with disabilities” in Ukraine. For example, reports claim that in Ukraine, “disabled people are being rounded up” on the streets and “the blind, sick, and lame are being mobilized.” Some posts describe in detail the alleged course of mobilization: “A night in a damp basement, epileptics, disabled people, drug addicts in withdrawal — all in one stream. Doctors refuse to acknowledge the obvious: a man has had a third seizure — he is an alcoholic. Limping? That means the infantry is waiting.”

These posts usually contain emotionally charged language and mention unfair treatment of people with disabilities, mainly in the context of criticism of mobilization and the TRC. Some news items even contain direct calls for resistance: "In the current situation, citizens have only one option left — to defend themselves. Resistance to the TRC is the only way to preserve freedom and life. It is important not to stand aside and to support those who are being forcibly mobilized, because tomorrow anyone could be in their place," one channel argues.

Pro-Russian sources are actively promoting the idea that Ukrainian mobilization is not a defensive necessity, but a destructive, corrupt, and ruthless process that is destroying the army. One such post directly states that “ze-mobilization” (a term used by propaganda to refer to the allegedly criminal indiscriminate mobilization carried out by the Ukrainian authorities) “is killing the Armed Forces of Ukraine from within.”

Creating an Atmosphere of Hopelessness and Disinformation Dissemination

Here, President Zelensky is often referred to as a “dictator” and “cannibal.” In addition, it is claimed that the “Ze-government” not only “treats disabled veterans like cattle” but also deliberately prolongs the war to hide the real scale of losses, including the number of people who have become disabled. According to the authors of these posts, after the end of hostilities, society will learn the “chilling truth” about the price of war. Some channels are already using “unofficial statistics,” mentioning figures of 500,000 or 600,000 people. “Soon, Ukrainian cities will be filled with military invalids — ‘beggars’ with signs,” concludes one of the posts, reinforcing feelings of hopelessness and demoralization.

The reports express outrage that even after being wounded, soldiers are allegedly unable to be discharged or receive proper medical treatment. Mobilization is often presented as a repressive campaign involving all branches of government, including the judiciary, and medical examinations are seen as a formality. Such publications undermine the legitimacy of military medical commissions (MMC), hinting at a centralized order to ignore medical indications and declare everyone “fit for service.”

Although rare, anti-Western messages also appear in this context. For example, a post claiming that the war is being waged for the interests of the West, which does not care about the fate of Ukraine, which will be left “in ruins and with thousands of disabled people,” because Europe only wants its resources.

Narratives on the Decline of the State and Social System

While some Ukrainian-language channels cover government initiatives to improve the situation of people with disabilities (such as extending deferrals and providing pensions through the “Diia” app), pro-Russian Telegram channels actively spread the idea that Ukraine is unable to guarantee social payments and support for people with disabilities. In particular, rumors are spreading about the alleged planned cancellation of payments for persons with disabilities of categories II and III, which is presented as “yet another act of betrayal by the state.” “The authorities have once again decided to deceive their people,” writes one of the Telegram channels about the payments.

Messages are also being spread that Ukraine will soon be unable to pay pensions or social benefits at all, which reinforces the image of the state's decline. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is partly blamed for this problem. "The IMF continues to destroy the Ukrainian state, and soldiers wounded on the front lines may be left without pay. The Cabinet of Ministers proposes to cancel payments for people with disabilities of groups 2 and 3, while increasing them for group 1," one post claims.

Russian-language Telegram channels paid particular attention to stories of unfair treatment of people who take care of persons with disabilities. On the one hand, they allegedly promoted caring treatment of both people with disabilities and their caregivers, but at the same time they criticized either local authorities or the indifferent community. In particular, a situation was mentioned involving the mayor of Irpin, who, despite appeals, allegedly fired the mother of a child with a disability and the caregiver of an elderly woman with a disability. Another post discussed a conflict over a ramp installed at the initiative of a wounded veteran, with neighbors allegedly expressing dissatisfaction with its introduction.

Internally Displaced Persons

The study analyzed 306 posts containing references to internally displaced persons (203 in the Ukrainian-language segment and 103 in the Russian-language segment). The analysis covered both news and emotionally charged messages concerning social status, living conditions, state policy on IDPs, and public attitudes towards them. Following the analysis, four key narratives were identified that dominate the informational space under study. As with other topics, some posts overlap between categories, and the division into narratives is conditional.

KEY CONCLUSIONS

  • In the news Telegram channels, internally displaced persons are predominantly portrayed as a socially vulnerable group in need of support. The main emphasis is placed on reports of national, international, and charitable assistance, as well as examples of involving businesses in addressing IDP problems. At the same time, the topic of displaced persons sometimes takes on a political tone or is used as a tool for reputation management by business people and politicians. As a result, IDPs are portrayed as an important but largely dependent group that relies on social and international assistance.
  • Housing is a major stress point. The most pertinent problem faced by IDPs is the lack of housing and difficult living conditions. Examples of positive solutions are highlighted, such as financial assistance and housing construction with the support of international partners, as well as signs of injustice, such as corruption scandals, excessive bureaucracy, and the political instrumentalization of the housing issue.
  • Return to occupation as a result of lack of support. Some reports document a trend of reverse migration, when IDPs return to dangerous regions since it is impossibile to integrate or find support. The reasons cited are mainly pragmatic, such as the lack of housing, work, and social inclusion. This is presented as a consequence of failed or inadequate IDP support policies.
  • Narratives of integration and strength of spirit. Positive examples of IDP integration into host communities, small business development, cultural initiatives, and stories of personal achievement are shaping an alternative image of IDPs, not only as recipients of assistance, but also as active participants in social life, with experience, potential, and capacity for action.
  • Negative framing and stigmatization in the minority. Some channels disseminate alarming messages where IDPs are portrayed as participants in incidents, act as suspects, or sources of social tension. They may be framed as a “burden” on host communities or as a marginalised electorate. Such coverage risks reinforcing perceptions of IDPs as a group that destabilises the social order.
  • Russian-language Telegram segment: dramatization and discrediting. Pro-Russian or critically minded channels often use the topic of IDPs to undermine trust in the Ukrainian authorities by exaggerating the scale of return to occupation, spreading rumors about the failure of state aid policies, and emotionally manipulating the image of “abandoned and betrayed citizens.”

IDPs as a Socially Vulnerable and Dependant Group

The largest number of mentions of IDPs is related to social assistance. Telegram channels regularly provide information about  benefits, housing subsidies, opportunities for re-skilling and starting a business, as well as support provided by charitable foundations, international organizations, and businesses. They frequently mention the activities of the Rinat Akhmetov Foundation, the YaMariupol project, Metinvest, the UN, the Korean government, Favbet, European partners, and others. These references cover both institutional support (setting up dormitories, kitchens, and shared spaces where displaced persons live) and individual assistance, such as the distribution of food packages and support for the wounded displaced persons, or people affected during the evacuation.

At the same time, reports of administrative difficulties and risks are published. As to the support, it is described as situational, temporary, or insufficient. In particular, they mention the risk of losing money from bank accounts if they are not used for more than 12 months, or of insufficient involvement of local authorities, such as in Toretsk, where, according to the authors of one of the posts, insufficient funds are allocated to support IDPs. In some reports, IDPs were described as the group most affected by the termination of USAID support programs. Although this narrative actively promotes the message of multifaceted assistance for IDPs from various actors (such as the state, philanthropists, international organizations, and partner countries), it also emphasizes the vulnerability of IDPs if that assistance  is lost.

Some posts have a political subtext: assistance to IDPs is used to criticize the government, boost the image of opposition politicians or brands, or to discredit the budget. In this way, they build an attitude to IDPs as a group that requires the limited resources and competes for them. In this regard, we can see how the quotes by Serhiy Prytula are reposted claiming that the “1000 UAH from the government would rather be spent for the IDPs.” Elsewhere, IDP needs are mentioned in the context of Yulia Tymoshenko criticizing the government draft budget. Besides, most of the channels under study posted accusations of local administrations in Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts claiming that they allegedly failed to efficiently allocate the funds intended for IDP assistance. The authors underscore that these Oblasts dispose of large budgets but fail to prioritize the needs of IDPs.

Housing Issues as a Key Stress Point

IDPs are most sharply portrayed in the Telegram discourse through the prism of losing their homes. They are often described as homeless people forced to live in cramped dormitories, modular shelter villages, pay excessive “rent” or even return to dangerous regions near the combat zone. These posts have a distinctly emotional tone, with headlines such as “I'm not homeless, it just turned out this way.” Such stories criticize excessive bureaucracy, which, according to the channels, prevents IDPs from obtaining housing even when they are entitled to it.

The urgency of resolving the housing issue is also highlighted in a statement by the president, which was reposted by almost all Telegram channels: “Displaced persons need help getting their apartments or houses: a clear support program must be in place within two weeks.” At the same time, in addition to highlighting housing as one of the most pressing issues, Telegram channels also report on the government's attempts to resolve it, which somewhat balances the image of vulnerability. In particular, there are multiple reports of financial assistance for housing rentals, as well as compensations for lost homes.

From time to time, Telegram channels also reported on local initiatives designed to create conditions for displaced persons in various regions of Ukraine. One such example was a project to build a small replica of Bakhmut in the village of Hoshcha in the Rivne region. According to reports, the local administration developed a project to build a neighborhood that intuitively replicates the boundaries of Bakhmut with the Bakhmutka River and the city’s division into four districts.

The housing problem is also accompanied by an image of injustice. For example, there were references to IDPs in the context of corruption scandals. The authors of the posts frame possible corruption offences in such a way that, against the backdrop of embezzlement of state funds by officials, IDPs are forced to live in unacceptable conditions. For example, one such post was accompanied by the following quote: “While IDPs huddle in 13 square metres in modular towns, and military personnel cannot get housing for years, the ‘right people’ get new square metres without queuing.” Reports of this type draw a stark contrast between IDPs and representatives of the political and judicial elite. For example, claiming that the government  allegedly spends significantly more money on housing for MPs and other officials than on assistance to IDPs.

Within this narrative, Telegram channels also regularly raised the issue of financial challenges related to the construction of housing for IDPs. In particular, it has been repeatedly emphasized that without the support of international partners, Ukraine не would not be able to independently provide new housing for IDPs. In this regard, they wrote about initiatives from various countries and international organizations that allocate funds for housing projects for internally displaced persons. In particular, they mentioned the projects implemented with the involvement of the French government and the International Organization for Migration, which organized housing in dormitories for displaced persons from Mariupol. In this narrative, the name of Rinat Akhmetov is also often mentioned, along with active coverage of his foundation's charitable activities, including the furnishing of kitchens and shared spaces  in these buildings.

Lack of Support and Return to the Occupied Territories 

Some posts in the Telegram channels depict internally displaced persons as people who are closely attached to their homes, to their land, and to their community. In this light, they talk about challenges in the evacuation of citizens from the frontline places, even when the hostilities approach the settlement. According to one  news post: “Sometimes, you need to convince people to leave their homes when the front line approaches as close as a couple of kilometers.” Some people, mostly the elderly, flatly refuse to leave. 

The same motivation of emotional attachement to their home places can also be seen in the reverse migration of IDPs. The Telegram channels feature posts about people returning to the occupied or frontline territories, even with no security guarantees available. The reasons for return are hardly ever ideological, but rather practical: lack of housing, work, or support in a new place, and an urge to maintain the connection to your homeplace, to your family members, and the familiar environment.

In addition to writing about the large scale of the problem, some posts frame the return to the occupation and to the frontline areas as a trend, and also as a consequences of the lack of assistance from the government. Some channels expressly claim that the IDP return has been forced, caused by the lack of proper social assistance, specifically with housing. 

They also mention that some IDPs failed to integrate in their host communities, they have never managed to feel they belonged to the place, which pushed them back to their homeplaces. Some posts also write about the repeated evacuations, when people have to leave their homes again after the return. for example, a story of a family from Pokrovsk who re-evacuated because of the threat of bombing.

The posts sometimes include emotional quotes from the IDPs who confirm the catch-22 situation. “Leave, you have to leave. Where do I leave to? My pension is UAH 3,600. Where do I go? Tell me, give me the address. Where do i go with this amount of pension? Where do I settle down? What do I do there? Drop dead? I’d rather kick the bucket at my home," a woman is quoted who had already left her frontline town before, but had to return.

Some Telegram channels say that the IDP return have implications to host communities, too.  For instance, the large scale exodus of IDPs was used as the explanation for closing down some restaurants in Lviv.

Internally Displaced Persons As a Source of Growth For Host Communities

The posts of the Telegram channels under analysis mostly present IDPs as a group that calls for understanding and support. Many posts refer to a survey run by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology. According to the findings, 93% of respondents said they were ready to host IDPs in their circles. Some posts write about IDPs as the economic resource, such as in the context of SME development.

In some posts, the Telegram channels describe the IDP integration as a critical track for the development of local communities. specifically, they inform about training initiatives inviting IDPs and local citizens from the host communities. The trainin sessions teach about adaptation of local policies, planning of local recovery projects, and integration methods, with account for IDP needs.

the posts of the kind build certain attitudes to the presence of IDPs, such as although the massive relocation of IDPs is a challenge to host communities but it is also a new reality that could bring opportunities and resources for growth. In this context, IDPs are presented not as a burden but an active part of society. For instance, the news describe the participation of IDPs from Mariupol in a commemoration event for the victims of the drama theater bombing, as a case of preserving idenity and collective memory even after they lost their home.

The image of internally displaced persons is built in the Telegram channels not only through news reports or reposts of analytical data, but also through personal stories that emotionally engage the readers. The types of posts could  be motivational and emphasizing the strong spirit of IDPs but also tragic as they focus on loss, danger, and vulnerability.

Most often, IDPs are represented as people with a strong spirit who were courageous enough to start their lives all over and survive the hazardous situations. This narrative, among others, expands the IDP profile on Telegram, from people in need of social support, housing, and assistance to heroes who manage to overcome an array of hardships daily. One such example is a story of a 12 year old Dmytro from Mariupol, a survivor of the war and the occupation: “My name is Dima, I am 12. I was born in Mariupol that used to be my home but the war froced me out. Back there I survived the most horrible things and came to realize that true strength is not about not falling down but rather about standing up back again.” 

There is a separate focus on success stories and cultural visibility of IDPs. In particular, there are reports about a performance of a music band from Mariupol in a national competition for the Eurovision song contest. Their song, the post features, is a “chance to bring forward the topic of Mariupol, occupied territories, and displaced persons to an international level.” 

At the same time, Telegram posts also feature some tragic stories. For instance, they reported about IDPs from Orikhove who were killed in a missile strike in Kyiv. The news posts also share footage from evacuation showing how difficult and dangerous the process could be: “Family members had different injuries from the enemy shells. Police only had several minutes to take them all to the nearest medical facility.”

The posts generate a more multidimensional perception of IDPs, not only as people with traumatic experiences but also with a potential, their stories, inner strength, and the capacity to impact society through participation, memory, and culture.

IDPs as an Undermining Factor in the Life of Hromada 

However, not all references to IDPs in the channels under analysis are positive. Some random posts appear at different times where IDPs are portrayed in negative or alarming contexts, as perpetrators in incidents, as sources of social tension, or factors of destabilization. For instance, some posts about the committed crimes highlighted the fact that the perpetrator was allegedly an IDP or pretended to be one: such as in the case of a disclosed Chief Investigative Department agent who acted under disguise of an IDP; or a story about an IDP from Mariupol who blew up a TRC center in Berdychiv.

Sometimes, IDPs are profiled as sources of protesting or marginal potential. One post quoted an “expert” who labeled IDPs as “marginal electorate”. Some posts write about the discrimination of IDPs. For example, a case about beating a teenager IDP. According to her aunt, it happened in the context of social isolation because the girl was trying to make some friends but fell victim to violence. Other posts underline the skeptical attitude employers show to IDPs, which is a reason why many IDPs cannot find jobs or have to accept some low-paid offers.

Specifics of the Russian-Language Telegram Channels

Most Russian-language channels, the same as posts written in Ukrainian, inform about social assistance for IDPs, issues with housing, and criminal episodes involving IDps, while other news reports are similar to Ukrainian posts in content. However, there is also a cluster of much more emotional and searing messages. 

One such common topic found in such channels is the assistance for IDPs as a field for illegal profit for officials from various authorities. They actively describe the alleged appropriation of humanitarian aid by local deputies, the construction of housing for IDPs as a tool for “money laundering” by the Office of the President, and others.

In general, The Russian-language Telegram segment has a much higher degree of dramatization of the situation with IDPs. Some posts make an impression that public policy in the field of allocating assistance to IDPs has been totally failed. For example, one post claims (with no reference to any specific publication): “Volunteers within the circle of international humanitarian missions informed that the UN drafted a report on the alarming situation of internally displaced persons in Ukraine. According to the paper, 63% of IDPs are in need of help but cannot even provide themselves with housing, they live below poverty line and suffer the pressure from fellow citizens, whereas the government does not respond to these challenges.”

The most emotionally manipulative are the posts about the return of IDPs to the occupied territories since they often include untruthful data about the number of returnees. Some sources refer to the allegedly official data that 99% of IDPs return to the occupied territories, while others write about 150,000 persons, according to an MP Tkachenko (who later retracted his words). 

Such posts interpret the return as a “consequence of a no-win situation” caused by the “government’s carelessness”. When the government’s attempts to support IDPs are not neglected,  they are still labelled as failure. In other words, they claim that IDPs return to the occupied territories because the government “failed”. In this case, the return is framed as a felling that they had been “dumped” by the government, the community had not accepted them, the employers had discriminated their job applications, and they generally had experienced bias towards themselves.

As to social isolation of IDPs, Russian-language Telegram channels mention it more often than the channels broadcasting in Ukrainian. They highlight that the return of people to the occupied or frontline territories is a survival attempt in the settings of total carelessness. “In this context, even the life under the occupation appears more acceptable to people. This is what the tragedy of the government’s policy is,” the Telegram channel concludes. Further, the Telegram channels promote an idea that despite the fact that the government is encouraging frontline residents to evacuate they had not prepared any placement options to offer. 

Moreover, some news reports criticized the host communities that failed to show proper understanding for IDPs. The report about the shutting down of restaurants was featured in a neutral line in the Ukrainian language channels but the Russian-language sources used it for emotional indoctrination with the topic of IDPs and accusations of unfair treatment. “When all IDPs leave under the burden of ostentatious "patriotic support" and moral pressure, locals would be free to rent out their dilapidated apartments and houses to each other,” the author of a channel is getting outraged. 

By publishing such news, Russian-language Telegram channels, especially those that do not hide their pro-Russian stance, create an image of displaced persons as abandoned, forgotten, and betrayed citizens who are not cared for by their own state and are not accepted by the population of peaceful cities. As a result, they are allegedly forced to either refuse evacuation or, after a failed integration experience, return to their settlements near the combat zone or to areas that are already occupied.

Russian-Speaking Ukrainians

The study analyzed 399 relevant posts containing references to Russian-speaking Ukrainians. The analysis covered both Ukrainian- and Russian-language Telegram channels, which present different images of Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine: from those perceived as victims of Russian aggression to those accused of sympathizing with the “Russian world” or considered a potential threat to national unity. The study did not focus on direct self-representation, but rather on how this group is framed by other actors. The analysis identified five main narratives circulating in the Telegram space in varying tones.

Russian-Speaking People As Victims

Within this frame, the Russian-speaking people living in the east and in the south of Ukraine can be seen as direct victims of the Russian aggression. The narrative has been actively promoted in official rhetorics, specifically in addresses of President Zelenskyy to international community: “Russia is killing the people it had allegedly come to protect.” Such quotations have been massively disseminated in Telegram channels, often with no additional comments.

In some posts, Russian language is used as the reasoning to legitimize Russian invasion and occupation of some territories, shifting the focus from the crime of aggression being committed by Russia on Ukraine’s territory. A separate frame is related to how Russian language is used in propaganda, both by the Russian Federation and in Western discourse. Quotes from politicians and commentators (including Tucker Carlson and Steve Witkoff) are circulating on Telegram, referring to the “rights of Russian speakers” as justification for the occupation of Donbas and Crimea. Although most of these messages are ironic or critical, the very fact that they are reproduced reinforces the feeling that the Russian language is a weapon or a pretext that can be used against Ukraine.

There are also ironic quotes from Russian state media about how “the Bandera followers spoke Russian” and now “Russian-speaking Ukrainians are being re-educated.” The authors of these posts mostly mock Russian officials' attempts to shift the blame for the occupation of Ukrainian territories by Russian troops onto ordinary

Russian Language as Part of Russian Culture

The most emotionally charged frame is the one in which Russian speakers are portrayed as bearers of a foreign culture or potential disloyalty. Such messages draw a clear line between “us” and “them” based on linguistic identity, with Russian-speaking Ukrainians being referred to as “carriers of the Russian world.” The Russian language is equated with the Soviet past, imperial narratives, and even collaborationism.

Telegram channels regularly feature calls to “reject Russian culture” and “kill the imperial Russian within yourself,” as well as posts claiming that using Russian in public spaces is disrespectful to war victims. Public figures who continue to speak Russian (even despite their pro-Ukrainian stance) are criticized. Russian-speaking migrants are also the subject of complaints about “arrogance” or “alienation” in their host communities.

The authors of the studied channels also openly criticize Russian-speaking Ukrainians, especially those who publicly defend manifestations of Russian culture. “Don't their foreign examples teach us anything?” a post asks rhetorically. This narrative is most noticeable in posts about a party at a Kyiv club during the drone attack: “Our country suffers from Russia every day, and meanwhile, at the Fifty club on Antonovycha Street, there's a party with Russian tracks.” Other posts express outrage at the public behavior of Russian speakers: “They sing ‘I am Russian,’ drive around in luxury cars, and block traffic to smoke.” Similar assessments can be found, for example, in the case of a taxi driver who dropped off a passenger after being asked to turn off Russian music. At the same time, Ukrainian-language Telegram channels often criticize the very fact that many Ukrainians still listen to Russian songs, even during a full-scale war.

Ukrainian politicians with pro-Russian political views, who actively advocated, in particular, raising the status of the Russian language in Ukraine and consolidating its dominant position, are often cited as an argument for language of communication as a sign of connection with the enemy. In this context, for example, the mayor of Odesa, Hennadii Trukhanov, has been repeatedly accused of sympathizing with Russian culture and the Russian Orthodox Church. One piece of evidence highlighted in the news was that he was given a cake decorated with images of Russian books for his 60th birthday. Similarly, MP Yuriy Boyko is criticized for his affinity for Russian culture. In an interview, he spoke about “radicals” in Ukraine who “do not allow people to speak their native language.” In a similar vein, they mentioned a Ukrainian businessman who allegedly financed pro-Russian propagandist Anatoliy Shariy and the construction of Russian churches in Ukraine.

Russian speakers are often portrayed as a source of aggression. For example, a story circulated on Telegram about a woman who called the Ukrainian language “pig-like” when she was asked to speak the official language in a hotel. Occasionally, there were also quotes from public figures who criticized Russian speakers and accused them of wanting to elevate themselves above others. 

At the same time, Telegram channels publish stories of famous people who oppose Russian culture and the Russian language. Singer Volodymyr Dantes and artist Hamlet called for “killing Russian culture within oneself,” while writers and singers are translating their formerly Russian-language works into Ukrainian.

Therefore, most often, Russian language use in Ukrainian-language channels is seen as a marker of disloyalty and hostility, which consistently provokes rejection and condemnation of people who defend the use of Russian in public spaces.

Normalization of Russian Language

Alongside news stories that openly condemn the use of Russian language, there are also stories that normalize it. Telegram channels sometimes publish posts that neutrally cover the situational use of Russian, without judgment or emotional tone.

Examples include reports about the fact that Ukrainians read Russian Wikipedia more often than Ukrainian Wikipedia. Or the news about American podcaster Lex Friedman's request to President Zelenskyy to give an interview in Russian: "I can speak Russian fluently, as can President Zelenskyy and a significant part of the Ukrainian people. This is a gift I ask for both at Christmas and Hanukkah."

One of the most striking examples of this narrative was the report on the results of a sociological survey conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS), according to which “83% of Ukrainians have a positive attitude toward their fellow citizens who use the Russian language, while 17% express a negative attitude.” Other posts mentioned that banning the Russian language, particularly in educational institutions, is impossible, as it would be considered discrimination and would complicate Ukraine's path to European integration.

Specifics of the Russian-Language Telegram Channels

In Russian-language Telegram channels, people who speak Russian in Ukraine are often portrayed as oppressed or marginalized—those who are persecuted because of their linguistic identity, ridiculed, restricted in their rights, or excluded from public space. Some channels try to protect these people, emphasizing that the Russian language is part of the cultural heritage of the southern and eastern regions of Ukraine. There is also an opposite frame, where Russian speakers are called “the best part of society”—in contrast to “unbalanced Ukrainian speakers.” However, some channels, although they post in Russian, also condemn Russian-speaking Ukrainians or criticize Ukrainian politicians with pro-Russian positions, just like Ukrainian-language channels.

Discrimination and Bullying of Russian-Speaking Ukrainians

The first narrative that distinguished Russian-language Telegram channels portrays Russian-speaking Ukrainians as victims of discrimination and bullying due to their linguistic identity. Among the examples is the story of a blogger who was allegedly threatened after filming a “social experiment” in Lviv, where he approached passersby asking how they feel about Russian speakers. Some local Telegram channels published stories about everyday conflicts, including people being insulted for publicly listening to Russian-language music, or being refused service in Russian, and so on.

Contrasting Two Language Groups

Russian-language Telegram channels often ridicule those who oppose the use of Russian in public spaces. They contrast “adequate” Russian-speaking Ukrainians with “unbalanced” supporters of language policy, thereby dividing society into two camps and elevating one above the other. For example, a journalist's attempt to appeal to the language law was ridiculed as absurd, hinting at his mental instability: the channel stated that the man was “picking on people, talking about a mythical law that supposedly prohibits speaking Russian in public places.” Another striking example was the situation with children who allegedly complained to the school administration about a teacher for using Russian. “In the comments under the news, everyone is very happy that the children reported it,” the author of the publication hinted at “Soviet practices.” A local Telegram channel also mocked the fact that the Odesa region holds the record for the number of violations of language legislation. 

Another narrative noticeable in Russian-language Telegram channels emphasizes the inappropriateness of condemning the Russian language by Ukrainians abroad. “She ran off to some dodger in Paris and got married there,” is how they describe a woman who promoted the Ukrainian language in Odesa. “Why isn’t this scarecrow on the front lines?” asks one of the channels, commenting on a Ukrainian’s speech in Europe against the Russian language.

Some Russian-language Telegram channels tend to mock certain international incidents related to language issues in order to discredit both European politicians and Ukrainians themselves. For example, one publication reports on a scandal in Latvia, where a minister was outraged that a taxi driver—a Ukrainian refugee—spoke to her in Russian rather than Latvian.

Defending Russian Language and Culture

Some posts suggest that, despite Ukrainization, Ukrainians will not be able to give up the Russian language and culture: “And the ‘inhabitants of a free state’ (as the authors of this post sarcastically referred to some Ukrainians — Ed.) will still cover their doors with pillows to listen to Tchaikovsky.” In other words, Ukrainians will continue to consume Russian cultural products, even if they do not admit it publicly.

In addition, some Russian-language Telegram channels try to defend the legitimacy of the Russian language as part of Ukrainian cultural and regional identity. For example, one of the channels studied told the story of an Odessa blogger who argues that the Odessa vernacular is not classical Russian, but a full-fledged dialect. In general, the Russian language is often portrayed as part of Odessa's identity, claiming that banning Russian in Odessa is tantamount to “cancelling its cultural identity.” Similarly, according to Russian-language Telegram channels, the demolition of the Pushkin monument is “a change in the cultural code of Southern Palmyra.”

The news also cites examples of the use of Russian by famous Ukrainians, which makes Russian speakers more culturally acceptable. For example, boxer Oleksandr Usyk speaks Russian with his friends in the ring, as does “half of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.” One Telegram channel sided with the rector of a local university when he gave an interview to the Russian media outlet Dozhd.

Ukrainians Abroad

4,974 messages related to Ukrainians abroad were analysed for this study. The analysis included both Ukrainian-language and Russian-language Telegram channels, which form different perceptions of Ukrainian citizens abroad — from portraying them as advocates of Ukraine outside its borders to portraying them as traitors and runaways. For a more detailed study, a stratified by date sample of 500 messages was formed: 318 in Ukrainian and 182 in Russian. As a result, six key narratives were identified that are disseminated in different tones in the selected Telegram channels.

Key Findings

  • Negative image of men of mobilisation age and public figures abroad. Telegram channels actively promote the narrative that Ukrainian men abroad are mostly draft dodgers who have evaded mobilization or justice. This image is reinforced by reports of illegal border crossings, cases of corruption schemes and the flight of officials, as well as episodes where officials or their children display excessive luxury against the backdrop of war.
  • Socially vulnerable group that needs support. These messages highlight the legal uncertainty of Ukrainians' status abroad, the socio-economic challenges they face, and the threat of deportation.
  • The risk of Ukrainians abroad losing their legal status or social support. Telegram channels publish messages about the end of protection programs, the potential deportation of Ukrainians from abroad by foreign states, and criticizing the attitude of Western governments toward Ukrainians living abroad.
  • Socio-economic vulnerability of Ukrainians abroad. Telegram channels highlight that Ukrainians abroad are facing difficulties, from losing a stable income to having limited access to social assistance. Problems with employment due to visa restrictions and a reduction in social support are mentioned especially often. It is also emphasized that Ukrainians who have left the country often find themselves in situations of social and physical vulnerability. Telegram channels mention cases where Ukrainians become victims of crime or prejudice in host countries, and local law enforcement officers, according to reports, do not always protect their rights.
  • Intentions of Ukrainians regarding return. A rather pessimistic narrative is prevalent on Telegram channels, suggesting that the majority of Ukrainians do not plan to return, even after the war ends. This is supported by sociological surveys and specific examples (in particular, data from Norway and reports about thousands of Ukrainians who have not returned). There are also predictions about a further outflow of Ukrainians abroad after the end of hostilities, especially among men who will seek to reunite with their families.
  • State measures and the desire to bring Ukrainians back. Along with pessimistic forecasts, the channels surveyed also cover Ukrainian government initiatives aimed at encouraging their return: the creation of return centers, financial support plans, and one-time payments for repatriates. At the same time, they emphasize fears that the government may resort to pressure — through restrictions on consular services or social support — to encourage men of conscription age to return to Ukraine.
  • Forming of negative image of Ukrainian refugees. Telegram channels are actively promoting a narrative that Ukrainians abroad are facing distrust and prejudice, and are often portrayed as a source of crime or social problems in host countries. The channels also emphasize that Ukrainians abroad are "unwelcome guests" who receive undeserved social benefits.
  • The image of Ukrainians as active and engaged citizens. Despite the prevalence of negative narratives, Telegram channels highlight examples of Ukrainian civic engagement abroad — participation in symbolic acts of unity, rallies in support of Ukraine, and the formation of Ukrainian politics. This creates a more balanced image of Ukrainians as people who maintain ties with their homeland and support it, even while living outside the country.
  • Russian-language Telegram channels often duplicate information from Ukrainian-language channels, but present it with a more pronounced emotional tone, sarcasm, and criticism of Ukraine's state policy toward refugees. They create a negative image of Ukrainians abroad as “draft dodgers,” traitors, or unwanted foreigners, often mocking their hypocrisy or excessive desire for social benefits. These channels also ironically describe government initiatives to return Ukrainians, emphasizing their ineffectiveness and “imitation.”

Illegal Border Crossing and Evasion of Mobilization

The most common narrative found on Telegram channels about Ukrainians abroad concerns the negative attitude of those who remained in Ukraine toward men of draft age and officials who left Ukraine. Within this narrative, men abroad are most often portrayed as traitors who are evading military service.

One of the most common messages on Telegram channels within this narrative is news about men of mobilization age illegally crossing the border. Such posts usually emphasize the riskiness or absurdity of these attempts: crossing the border via mountain rivers, in the trucks, etc. In addition, the channels publish statistics, for example, that in 2024 alone, more than 13,000 cases of illegal border crossings were recorded on the border with Romania. In the same context, they mention the case of MP Bondarev, who is suspected of organizing a scheme to smuggle men across the border under the guise of humanitarian aid drivers. Such reports fuel the image of widespread and systematic evasion of mobilization, as well as the possible involvement of local officials in this. At the same time, some channels publish news about isolated cases of desertion among Ukrainian military personnel who travel abroad for training.

A significant portion of the posts within this narrative cover negative attitudes toward public figures, politicians, and officials who had left the country. One striking example of this attitude is the active discussion of a video posted from the refugee registration center in Brussels by Pokrovsk Mayor Ruslan Trebushkin. Well-known volunteer Denys “Hollandets” Khrystov reacted sharply to this video, stating: “I thought that a mayor was someone who stays in the city or at least in Ukraine. Instead of advertising a foreign refugee assistance center, Ruslan Trebushkin should have provided contact information for places within Ukraine where Pokrovsk residents can go, especially the elderly and those with limited mobility." Denys Khrystov's reaction was actively shared on Telegram channels, reinforcing negative attitudes toward the official.

There are also posts about officials who have left the country to avoid justice for crimes they have committed. In this context, Telegram channels mention, for example, former Kyiv City Council deputy Denys Komarnytskyi, who allegedly left Ukraine illegally after the start of an investigation into his involvement in corruption. Telegram channels also focused on Fedir Androshchuk, director of the National Museum of History, who, in response to suspicions of fleeing the country, declared that he had Swedish citizenship and permanent residence abroad. There were also reports about an official of the Kyiv City State Administration who, due to accusations of embezzlement of state funds, tried to leave for Europe but was detained by the Security Service of Ukraine. 

Some Telegram channels are spreading messages that officials who leave Ukraine under such conditions subsequently use their stay abroad to spread Russian propaganda: "Former MP and oligarch Novynskyi has been placed under suspicion by the Security Service of Ukraine... He is spreading Russian religious propaganda in the EU, while being in direct contact with Patriarch Kirill of the Russian Orthodox Church. Today, the former member of the Party of Regions and the Opposition Bloc is hiding abroad and publicly justifying Russia's armed aggression."

Occasionally, some Telegram channels mention cases where Ukrainian citizens, particularly members of the elite, take cars, cash, jewelry, or other property abroad. Such reports are usually emotionally charged and describe such situations as examples of excessive luxury against the backdrop of war and resource shortages. For example, the reports mention cases where “Ukrainians are collecting 100 hryvnia for drones, while former regional official Vitalii Khomutynnik calmly takes his Rolls-Royce Spectre 2024, worth over half a million dollars, abroad.” In a similar vein, the former head of the Odessa Territorial Centre of Recruitment, who has been charged with obstructing the activities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and issuing a forged document, is also accused of attempting to illegally leave for Spain, where he reportedly has an office, luxury cars, and real estate.

Criticism and attempts to discredit the children of public figures who are currently abroad are quite common. These include publications such as: “Which politicians and officials have hidden their sons from mobilization outside Ukraine? List of VIP draft dodgers abroad.” There are also reports about parties or other events organized by some Ukrainians abroad, accompanied by calls to return these people to Ukraine. Suspicions are also being spread that the children of public figures are leaving the country precisely to avoid mobilization.

In addition, Telegram channels periodically criticize Ukrainian artists and bloggers who have left the country. The rapper Potap is most often mentioned in this context: he left Ukraine, changed his stage name, positions himself on the international stage as a performer from “Eastern Europe,” and avoids direct identification with Ukraine. Another example often cited by channels concerns Odessa blogger Stas Dombrovskyi: after the start of the full-scale invasion, he left for Switzerland, where he took advantage of programs for Ukrainian refugees, despite being wanted by the authorities and having a criminal past. Similarly, Telegram channels reported on blogger Vladyslav Oleinychenko, who was deported from Poland for repeated acts of vandalism. Telegram channels emphasize that while in Poland, he presented himself as Belarusian, disparagingly referred to Poles as “puppets” and Europe as “decaying,” and admitted to wanting to live in Moscow (however, he did not receive the necessary permission from the Russian Federation).

Legal Uncertainty of Ukrainians Abroad

In the Telegram channels studied, Ukrainians abroad were mostly portrayed as a rather vulnerable group. A significant portion of the posts emphasized that Ukrainian refugees could soon lose their legal status or social benefits. Most of these posts claimed that European countries had already begun to deny asylum to Ukrainians (mainly those who had arrived from western regions), and that some Western politicians were actively discussing ways to return Ukrainians home. There were also mentions of the end of temporary protection programs and the likelihood of Ukrainians being deported immediately after a truce between Ukraine and Russia is reached. In this context, some Telegram channels drew parallels between the mass deportations of migrants from the US and how different countries around the world would return Ukrainian refugees to Ukraine. Other channels, however, predicted that the number of Ukrainian refugees abroad would increase due to the cessation of US aid to Ukraine.

In addition, Telegram channels describe the outrage of Ukrainians abroad over statements about the cessation of support. One publication reports that “a Ukrainian refugee called Trump a ‘pig’ right on the beach in the US because of the idea of deporting Ukrainians back home.”

Telegram channels also covered the attitude of Western governments toward Ukrainians abroad, spreading messages that they allegedly view support and protection for Ukrainian refugees solely through the prism of economic expediency: those Ukrainians abroad who work and pay taxes will be allowed to stay, while all others will be encouraged to return to Ukraine. In this context, the channels often shared a quote from President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, in which he criticized this logic and emphasized that Ukraine is interested in bringing everyone home, but only after the security situation becomes more stable and predictable.

However, Telegram channels also mentioned positive decisions made by other countries regarding the status of Ukrainian refugees abroad. In particular, they reported on the UK's lifting of restrictions that previously prohibited Ukrainians without permanent residency rights from bringing their children under the “Homes for Ukraine” program, as well as the potential inclusion of the Ukrainian language in school curricula in various countries around the world.

Occasionally, the channels mentioned that the issue of Ukrainian refugees often features in discussions between different countries. For example, the channels quoted a representative of the Czech government in Le Monde, who expressed outrage that the Czech Republic had not been invited to the summit of European leaders in Paris: “Apart from Poland, no country is closer to the war than the Czech Republic. No country has accepted more Ukrainian refugees per capita.”

Social and Economic Vulnerability of Ukrainians Abroad

In addition to uncertainty about the legal status of Ukrainians abroad, Telegram channels expressed concern about their socio-economic vulnerability. According to reports from selected channels, Ukrainians abroad are increasingly losing their sources of stable income and access to social assistance and generally feel unprotected.

One of the most frequently mentioned problems in this context is the difficulty of finding employment. Telegram channels reported that most Ukrainians in the UK remain unemployed due to visa restrictions that make it impossible or significantly more difficult to find work. An additional challenge highlighted by Telegram channels is the reduction in social assistance in various countries. In particular, there were reports of a reduction in support for Ukrainians by the Norwegian government: in this country, refugees from western and central Ukraine will no longer be eligible for asylum and social benefits. There were also mentions of the likely cancellation of assistance for certain groups of Ukrainians in Austria and the suspension of the United for Ukraine (U4U) program in the US. In some cases, according to Telegram channels, this leads to secondary migration: Ukrainian refugees leaving countries that are discontinuing or reducing support for other countries that offer better and more stable conditions of stay.

Cuts in social assistance and employment problems often lead to a significant deterioration in the economic and financial situation of Ukrainians abroad. In particular, Telegram channels spread the National Bank of Ukraine's message about a $376 million decrease in private money transfers from abroad to Ukraine. The channels do not provide more details about the reasons for this decrease in transfers.

Some channels reported examples of successful economic adaptation of Ukrainians abroad. Among other things, they mentioned that the vast majority (78%) of Ukrainians in Poland are currently employed, and some of them have started their own businesses in the country.

Another challenge that Telegram channels often highlighted when covering the lives of Ukrainians abroad is their vulnerability to criminal offenses. In particular, one publication reported an attack on a Ukrainian woman in a parking lot in Warsaw, during which the criminal kicked the woman, and she responded by using pepper spray. According to Telegram channels, the police encouraged the woman not to file a report about the attack, interpreting her actions as aggression.

Intentions of Ukrainians Abroad to Return 

One of the key narratives about Ukrainians abroad, which can be traced in most Telegram channels, concerns the return of this group to Ukraine. The publications of selected channels often show a certain contrast: on the one hand, there is the state, which wants to bring its citizens back to Ukraine, and on the other, there are Ukrainians abroad who are unable or unwilling to return.

Most of the Telegram channels studied occasionally publish opinion polls and forecasts about the intentions of Ukrainians abroad to return to Ukraine. In particular, one publication stated that almost half of the 6.8 million Ukrainians who left Ukraine after the start of the full-scale invasion may remain abroad permanently. The posts also often refer to an article in The Economist, which claims that Ukrainian refugees may not return to Ukraine even after the end of hostilities. To support this thesis, Telegram channels cite survey results from various countries: for example, they mentioned data from Norway, where 47% of Ukrainian refugees said they had no intention of repatriating. The channels under investigation reinforce such messages with additional examples, such as reports of 443,000 Ukrainians who left last year and did not return. Some forecasts suggest that after the war ends, the outflow of Ukrainians abroad will intensify — in particular, men who are unable to leave the country due to martial law will seek to reunite with their families abroad once the hostilities stop. According to some Telegram channels, the EU is already preparing family reunification programs for Ukrainians for this purpose.

Describing the state's position, Telegram channels quoted the head of the Ministry of National Unity of Ukraine, Oleksii Chernyshov, who called for recognition that “70% of Ukrainians will not return from abroad after the war.” Some channels expressed considerable concern about this situation: for example, there were posts quoting an article by former presidential spokeswoman Yulia Mendel in The Time, in which she emphasized that “Ukraine is losing its nation in refugees.”

At the same time, Telegram channels emphasized that Ukraine wants to bring back as many of its citizens as possible. There were frequent reports of government initiatives aimed at returning Ukrainians home. In particular, there were reports of the creation of repatriation centers and the potential launch of financial support programs or one-time payments for those willing to return from abroad. There are also reports of the Ukrainian government's intentions to return Ukrainians from abroad through pressure. Among the reasons for this change in approach, as stated in one of the publications, is the potential to “involve Ukrainians living abroad in the defense sector.” In particular, some publications have expressed concerns that Kyiv will ask European governments to put pressure on Ukrainians by restricting access to consular services or social support, thereby encouraging the return of men of draft age.

Negative Attitudes Towards Ukrainian Refugees Abroad

When describing the situation of Ukrainians abroad, some Telegram channels noted that foreign governments and societies are mostly not trying to accept or support Ukrainian refugees, but rather show distrust and disrespect towards them. Within this framework, Ukrainians abroad are portrayed as unwanted and marginalized in the countries they have fled to.

The most prominent manifestation of this narrative is the publication of statements by some foreign officials about the alleged increase in the crime rate in various countries due to the arrival of Ukrainians. According to these publications, the most frequent offense is driving under the influence of alcohol. Some posts cited direct calls from European politicians to ban Ukrainian military personnel from entering certain European countries: “‘Ukrainian Armed Forces servicemen should be banned from entering Poland, as they can organize crime. We cannot allow them to come, they cannot be let into the country,” said Polish MP Tumanowicz.”

However, a negative image of Ukrainians abroad is formed not only through associations with crime but also by portraying them as wasteful and self-serving. In this context, Telegram channels mention the public statements of American journalist Tucker Carlson, in which he complains about Ukrainians abroad, saying they constantly "make expensive purchases in Europe." This resonates with other posts about the attitude towards Ukrainians abroad in other countries, which, according to Telegram channels, is rapidly deteriorating because Ukrainian refugees receive social support and free access to many social benefits while actually having a higher standard of living than the citizens of the countries where they reside.

Public Activism of Ukrainians Abroad 

Despite the general dominance of rather critical narratives and a focus on the problems and challenges faced by Ukrainians abroad, the surveyed Telegram channels also contain messages about their public activism. In particular, there are posts about events organized by Ukrainians abroad. For example, on the eve of Unity Day, Ukrainians arranged "unity chains" at iconic European locations — specifically on Westminster Bridge in London and Charles Bridge in Prague. The political activity of Ukrainians in the US is also highlighted, as they gathered in Times Square in New York to show support for Ukraine and condemn the statements of some American politicians.

In addition, Telegram channels occasionally report on cases where the voice of the Ukrainian diaspora was taken into account in Ukrainian politics, particularly in the formation of legislation. For instance, some channels spread information that during the preparation of the multiple citizenship bill, which the Verkhovna Rada adopted in the first reading, it was emphasized that the document needed to be revised with the input of diaspora representatives. This demonstrates a gradual recognition of the important role of Ukrainians abroad as full-fledged participants in Ukraine's political process. At the same time, it forms a positive image of this community as active, engaged, and patriotic, one that not only integrates into new societies but also maintains a close connection with Ukrainian life.

Specifics of the Russian-Language Telegram Channels

Russian-language Telegram channels also actively covered Ukrainians abroad. Some of these posts essentially duplicated messages from Ukrainian-language channels, focusing mainly on news content, such as reports about possible restrictions on the status of Ukrainians abroad or cases of illegal border crossing. At the same time, some Russian-language channels that openly take pro-Russian positions showed significantly different views. They often criticized the attempts of the Ukrainian government to maintain contact with Ukrainians abroad, for example, through the creation of the Ministry of National Unity of Ukraine. It is also worth noting that, although the content of the Russian-language channels often did not differ from the Ukrainian ones, their publications were usually distinguished by a much more emotional tone, a significant number of critical posts, and a more frequent use of sarcasm.

Intentions of Ukrainians Abroad to Return

Just like in Ukrainian-language Telegram channels, Russian-language channels also regularly publish posts about the intentions of Ukrainians abroad to return to Ukraine. At the same time, these messages are distinguished by a more emotional tone and a critical attitude towards Ukraine's state policy regarding refugees.

The publications on this topic are usually accompanied by pessimistic forecasts about the prospects of repatriation, as well as claims about Ukraine's inevitable loss of a significant part of its human capital. To reinforce this narrative, the channels cite statements by foreign politicians, including U.S. Senator Marco Rubio: "Millions no longer live in their homeland and may never return." They also publish forecasts about new waves of migration in the event of an escalation of hostilities, in particular due to the threat of missile attacks, which, according to the authors of the posts, could force millions of Ukrainians to leave the country again.

Some channels also spread more balanced assessments. In particular, they cite the Minister of National Unity of Ukraine, Oleksii Chernyshov, who claims that about 70% of Ukrainians abroad could return if safe and favourable conditions for living and working are created. According to him, approximately 30% are ready to return after the situation stabilizes and security guarantees are in place, while another 40% will make a decision depending on the pace of the country's economic recovery and development.

Russian-language Telegram channels also show a sharply critical attitude towards state initiatives aimed at the return of Ukrainian citizens to Ukraine. In particular, the channels spread Oleksii Chernyshov's proposal to employ men in the defence sector with the right to exemption from military service, calling it an "imitation." The authors emphasize that this statement should not be trusted and "no one will return," as many "paid 10-20 thousand dollars to leave," and even if they do return, the "exemption will be cancelled."

The institutionalization of the return policy itself is also criticized. Russian-language channels call the Ministry of National Unity of Ukraine "a failed project from the very beginning." Emotional metaphors are often used to criticize state policy: "Ukrainians are offered to return to a burning house, while being assured that everything is fine here. Without understanding the main thing: it was because of this fire that people fled."

Negative Image of Ukrainians Abroad

Overall, Russian-language Telegram channels paint a rather negative picture of Ukrainians abroad, often portraying them as hypocritical traitors or criminals. These channels occasionally feature direct accusations of "betrayal" against Ukrainians who have allegedly changed their stance while outside the country. Such posts are often sarcastic, mocking those who "just yesterday supported [Ukraine] with flags" but are now, after news of the termination of temporary protection, "massively applying for asylum" in other countries. The authors of these posts try to emphasize that Ukrainians abroad are self-serving and insincere: "Now just think about it: the very same people who just yesterday were jumping for this state—literally yesterday!—wrapped in flags, shouting 'glory to Zelenskyy,' are today massively applying for asylum, pretending they are being persecuted by this same state and that very Zelenskyy. How not two-faced, what heroic descendants of Cossacks. I'm so proud!" Some channels also question the genuine need for protection among Ukrainians, especially those who left from the western regions of Ukraine.

In addition, Russian-language Telegram channels often create an image of Ukrainians abroad as conflict-prone, infantile, or even dangerous. For example, when reporting on an incident in Warsaw where a Ukrainian woman used pepper spray for self-defense, the channels presented her actions as baseless aggression and the retaliatory violence as a justified reaction.

Channels also spread news about offenses, fraud, or eccentric behavior by Ukrainians in Europe, such as stories about a "Ukrainian pretending to be a tree and scaring passersby in Rome," the arrest of a fraudster with a Ukrainian passport, or claims that "Ukrainians in Poland have become leaders among foreigners in the number of crimes." In the same vein, the news that the US had suspended the processing of all immigration applications for Ukrainians and migrants from Latin America was explained by the assertion that Ukrainians in the US were allegedly suspected of fraud.

Like Ukrainian-language channels, Russian-language Telegram channels publish critical posts mentioning public figures who are abroad, including the sons of former President Petro Poroshenko or former Ukrainian politicians like Oleksiy Arestovych. Examples of ironic coverage also concern cultural figures. For instance, channels mentioned an interview with musician Potap on the Russian YouTube channel "vDud," where he allegedly stated that he had received permission from General Zaluzhnyy to go abroad to "earn money for the Armed Forces of Ukraine."

At the same time, there are isolated mentions of the economic contributions of Ukrainians to the development of host countries. Some channels, in particular, disseminate the opinions of experts that the success of Eastern European countries partly depends on Ukrainian migrants and that their return to Ukraine after the war could negatively impact local economies.

Illegal Border Crossing and Avoiding Mobilization

News reports about officials or men of conscription age illegally leaving the country are generally almost identical in both Russian-language and Ukrainian-language Telegram channels. However, Russian-language sources significantly more often portray Ukrainians abroad specifically as "draft dodgers," adding sarcastic or derogatory comments—for instance, that "it's probably time for some people abroad to develop military skills." Some channels claim that Ukrainians abroad who participate in rallies are not true patriots because they are shirking their military duty. In this same context, messages are spread that the Ukrainian government is allegedly working on the return of men of conscription age from abroad.

Russian-language channels also mention desertion among Ukrainian soldiers who have arrived in Poland for training. While such information is usually presented neutrally in Ukrainian-language channels, here it is accompanied by quite emotional comments: "It's also important to understand that the best of those who were mobilized are sent to Western training grounds and centers. After all, it is based on them that Western curators and media draw conclusions about the state of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in general."

Veterans and Family of the Military

"Our people fought for this, our heroes died. 

So many were wounded, so much has been endured. 

So no one will forget this."

For this study, we analyzed a sample of 500 messages that mentioned military personnel and veterans. Of these, only 103 messages in Ukrainian and 29 in Russian directly concerned veterans or their family members. This indicates a limited, though noticeable, presence of this topic in the discourse of Telegram channels. Most often, veterans are mentioned as wounded or demobilized military personnel who, after their service, participate in civic initiatives, rehabilitation, or human rights projects. To a large extent, news about veterans attempts to assess the size of this group and the prospects of its growth in the coming years. The experience of veterans in such messages is often presented as an illustration of the price of war and an argument for the impossibility of compromise with Russia.

This category included all messages related to the status of military personnel. Due to the limitations of automated analysis, it was not possible to clearly distinguish publications dedicated exclusively to veterans or their family members, so a part of the analysis was conducted through manual data processing. It is also worth noting that the significant volume of mentions of military personnel in the dataset is explained by the ongoing combat operations: frequent coverage of the front-line situation increased the overall visibility of military personnel, although this was not always accompanied by a focus on issues of veterans' lives, their demobilization, or reintegration. In addition, the image of a veteran often merges with the image of an active-duty service member, which complicates the quality of automated analysis.

Key Findings

  • Lack of a Systemic Image of a Veteran. In the analyzed Telegram channels, the image of a veteran is fragmented and unstructured. Topics of daily challenges faced by demobilized soldiers, such as access to healthcare, employment, or social adaptation, are rarely raised. Publications about unfair treatment of veterans do occur, but they are mostly presented as isolated incidents without generalizations or assessments of the scale of the problem.
  • Veterans as Public Figures and Symbols of Resistance. Telegram channels regularly highlight the participation of veterans in civic initiatives, charity projects, and public life in general. In these messages, the veteran is portrayed as a moral authority, a hero, and an active figure who, after their service, transforms into a public figure, expert, or opinion leader.
  • Multi-level Support System for Military Personnel and Veterans. Telegram channels actively cover the development of state and local infrastructure for supporting veterans and military families—from legislative initiatives to digital services, free training programs, medical aid, and rehabilitation. This media focus creates the impression of consistent government efforts to form a systemic approach to protecting the rights of military personnel.
  • Broad Participation of Businesses, Charities, and International Actors in Assisting Defenders. Alongside official policy, Telegram channels highlight the role of businesses, charitable foundations, public figures, and foreign organizations in supporting the military. Such examples are presented as manifestations of solidarity and social responsibility.
  • Public Coverage of Cases of Unfair Treatment Towards Military Personnel. Telegram channels emphasize the vulnerability of veterans and service members in civilian life. Posts mention examples of discrimination, corruption, offenses, and violence that illustrate the lack of systemic legal protection for this group. The authors of these posts consistently take a position of supporting the military and create a public demand for dignified treatment of those who have been to war.
  • Russian-language Telegram channels form an image of a veteran as an abandoned and devalued figure, using their experience to criticize government policy. In this discourse, the veteran is presented not as a hero but as a victim—of the war, of the indifference of the authorities, and of an imperfect support system. Through a rhetoric of disappointment, sarcasm, and mentions of "discarded military personnel," these channels reinforce the narrative of the state's inability to provide a decent life for those who have been to the front, and they warn of the future social maladaptation of this group.

Honoring Fallen Soldiers and Heroizing Veterans

The most common narrative regarding veterans and military families is the honoring of the fallen, support for the families of the deceased, and the heroization of those who have fought on the front lines. Such messages usually appear on holidays or commemorative days when respect and gratitude are expressed to the military. For example, in New Year's greetings, Telegram channels almost always mention fallen defenders and express gratitude to those currently defending the country: "New Year is a time for gratitude and dreams. So we thank our defenders—those holding the front and the sky—we dream of victory and work to bring it closer!" During Christmas, Telegram channels often report on the participation of veterans in festive events. For instance, they tell the story of veteran and border guard Serhii Karpiuk, who survived captivity, was wounded, and endured fierce battles for Mariupol, and then, at Christmas, transformed into St. Nicholas to greet children at a border crossing.

Telegram channels also cover acts of honoring fallen service members, particularly by their families and comrades. For example, they tell stories of how the wives of the fallen transfer funds to the military units where their husbands served or participate in the creation of memorials in honor of the fallen heroes. Special attention is given to covering peaceful protests and initiatives to support the release of military personnel held in captivity. Within this narrative, messages about the return of prisoners also appear, accompanied by emotional stories of family reunions.

An important part of this narrative is the coverage of the participation of military personnel and veterans in various events. Telegram channels regularly report on the participation of Ukrainian veterans in the Invictus Games—an international adaptive sports competition for veterans and service members. They also tell how, as part of the "Taste of Freedom" culinary project, organized by Rinat Akhmetov's "Heart of Azovstal" Foundation and the "1+1" TV channel, veterans participated in creating a symbolic dessert to support the release of prisoners of war. A similar approach was implemented in the "Battle for Light" initiative, where a delegation of Ukrainian veterans traveled to Saudi Arabia to publicly support Oleksandr Usyk during a boxing match, while also drawing international attention to Russian attacks on the Ukrainian energy system.

From time to time, excerpts from veterans' television appearances, comments, and interviews are also published. In these materials, veterans voice their own assessments of the front-line situation, the actions of the authorities, or society. For example, in one TV program, an excerpt of which was widely circulated by Telegram channels, a veteran expressed outrage over the insufficient involvement of the rear in providing the front with necessary resources. Publications also feature personal statements from veterans encouraging others to serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, such as: "Those who went to serve are better than those who didn't." In some posts, statements about the political rights of veterans appear: for example, commander of the 3rd Assault Brigade Andrii Biletskyi publicly emphasizes the moral right of military personnel to participate in government after the war ends, highlighting the importance of their contribution during the country's most difficult times.

The active civic position of veterans is also present in the media discourse. Specifically, the participation of military personnel in the elections to the Public Anti-Corruption Council under the Ministry of Defense is mentioned as an example of veterans' involvement in the processes of shaping state policy.

Support to the Veterans and Families of the Military

Telegram channels quite often cover the topic of support for veterans and families of the military, both at the level of state policy and within the framework of initiatives from businesses, charitable organizations, and civic projects.

At the state level, messages report on legislative changes that expand social and legal guarantees for service members and their families. For instance, Telegram channels informed about the appointment of human rights activist Olha Reshetylova as the Ombudsman for the Protection of the Rights of Military Personnel and Their Families. The channels also widely covered the signing of a law by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that allows service people to independently designate the individuals who will receive payments if they go missing or are taken captive. This new law is presented as an important step in strengthening the legal and social protection of defenders. Additionally, Telegram channels reported on the expansion of the list of relatives of fallen service members who are permitted to travel abroad, as well as the granting of the right to free education at higher educational institutions for the combatant’s children and for veterans themselves. The channels also widely announced the launch of a new digital tool—the "Veteran+" mobile app—which is intended to simplify access to state services and improve the convenience of veterans' interaction with the state support system. Separate attention is also given to support at the local level—for example, within the municipal program "Defender of Kyiv," aimed at assisting veterans and military families in the capital.

Telegram channels give special attention to the rehabilitation infrastructure for the military. Messages regularly appear about the opening of prosthetics centers and rehabilitation facilities, as well as fundraising for the purchase of prostheses, medicines, or necessary equipment. Such posts are mostly practical in nature and focus on the current needs of veterans. They also cover psychological support programs for service members aimed at their emotional and mental recovery. Attention is also paid to the children of fallen, missing, or captive military personnel—Telegram channels provide information about events organized for these children, including meetings with celebrities and public figures.

A part of the discourse in Telegram channels consists of examples of businesses' participation in supporting mobilized and demobilized employees. The posts mention companies that provide their military employees with medical support, facilitate rehabilitation, and offer support after their return from service. Such examples are presented as a manifestation of the social responsibility of businesses during wartime. In this same context, international initiatives are sometimes featured. For example, there were reports about a British ex-parliamentarian who joined the International Legion and is involved in purchasing weapons and providing aid to Ukrainian veterans.

A separate category consists of news about charitable initiatives by private foundations or public figures. Specifically, examples of aid from the foundations of Rinat Akhmetov and Viktor Pinchuk are mentioned, as well as political initiatives by Yulia Tymoshenko aimed at expanding funding for military treatment and rehabilitation programs. An example of such support from charitable foundations is the provision of an apartment to one of the defenders of Mariupol.

Telegram channels also regularly cover examples of personal support and visits to wounded service members in hospitals. In this context, the story of a soldier who, after treatment in the U.S., took his first steps is mentioned—according to him, this happened during President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's visit to the hospital. Among international examples, a visit by a Latvian politician to Ukrainian soldiers in rehabilitation centers stands out, which is presented as a gesture of solidarity with the Ukrainian defenders.

Unfair Treatment of Veterans and Military Families

Reports of disrespectful, humiliating, or outright illegal treatment of servicemen, veterans, and their families regularly appear on Telegram channels. Such publications form a distinct narrative frame that focuses on the vulnerability of defenders after returning from the front and the insufficient level of protection for their rights in civilian life.

First and foremost, attention is concentrated on the cases of corruption that veterans face. For instance, there were reports of an official in the Odesa region who misappropriated 2.3 million hryvnias designated for the families of missing soldiers. The story of veteran Oleksandr Skoryk, who holds a leadership position at a Kyiv communal enterprise and is publicly exposing corruption schemes in the funeral services sector, was also mentioned.

Along with reports of corruption, we also document posts mentioning cases of disrespectful or discriminatory attitudes towards servicemen and veterans. Specifically, channels reported an incident in the Zhytomyr region, where a morgue employee stole a wedding ring from the body of a fallen serviceman—a crime discovered by his widow. In another case in Kyiv, a minibus driver publicly humiliated a wounded soldier using crutches by refusing him free travel. Difficulties in exercising the right to receive benefits are also frequently mentioned: for example, one serviceman was forced to spend the night at a train station after being denied a discounted ticket.

In addition, posts about violent crimes committed against veterans and their family members periodically appear—both by civilians and within the military community. One such case involves the murder of a veteran by a criminal gang. In another instance, a comrade-in-arms tortured and shot a fellow soldier over a conflict related to a demand to pay money to the command. There are also stories of wounded soldiers who become victims of attacks and blackmail. For example, one report described a veteran who was threatened with a knife and extorted for money, as the assailants knew he could not resist due to his injuries.

Despite the relatively small number of such reports, they highlight another dimension of the public attitude towards the military. In these stories, veterans appear not as symbols of strength and victory, but as real, vulnerable people who, after their service, face indifference, rights violations, or a lack of proper legal protection. At the same time, the authors of Telegram channels typically take a clear stance on the side of the military, condemning any manifestations of unfair, disrespectful, or humiliating treatment towards them.

Specifics of the Russian-Language Telegram Channels

Although a significant part of the content in Russian-language Telegram channels duplicates messages from the Ukrainian-language segment, a notable difference in thematic focus is observed. Russian-language channels significantly more often concentrate on accusations of abuse by the military leadership, criticism of the organization of the mobilization campaign, claims of forced participation in combat operations, and stories of desertion. In general, unlike Ukrainian-language channels, in the Russian-language discourse, the image of the veteran is more often associated with narratives of contempt, disillusionment, vulnerability, and distrust of the state. The veteran appears not so much as a hero, but as a figure abandoned after completing combat missions. In such reports, their experience is primarily used as a tool to criticize the authorities and underscore their inability to provide effective and full-fledged support to the defenders.

Among other things, Russian-language Telegram channels contain posts that show the devaluation and even stigmatization of Ukrainian servicemen. Such messages are often accompanied by sarcastic comments or mockery and portray soldiers as victims of "unconscious participation" in the war. A particularly noticeable combination of themes is participation in combat, the language issue, and disability, which forms the image of a Russian-speaking veteran as a victim of double violence—physical and cultural: "While the 'elites' sit in Europe, Canada, or in warm offices, it is the Russian-speakers who are thrown into hell itself, ground down in this war. But the war will one day end. And then those who return as invalids will be dressed in embroidered shirts and forced to speak Ukrainian." This discourse contributes to the formation of an image of the veteran not as a hero, but as a deceived and abandoned victim of the state.

In some messages on Russian-language Telegram channels, veterans are portrayed as defenders who did not receive the promised support after service. Such posts focus on dissatisfaction among wounded and demobilized military personnel, particularly due to a lack of funding for treatment, delays, or extremely low social payments. In this context, the phrase "written-off military personnel" is often used, which emphasizes veterans' feeling of alienation from the state support system and creates an image of abandoned and underappreciated defenders. One example of this discourse is: "Disillusionment is growing in the Ukrainian army. Among former and written-off servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, it's not just disappointment, but anger at this government, because they were all used and simply thrown away. Survive as you want. They don't give money for treatment, and the salary/payments are 700–3,000 hryvnias (15–75 dollars)."

From time to time, materials appear in Russian-language Telegram channels with predictions that in the near future, some veterans may find themselves in difficult life circumstances or even fall into a criminal environment. Such publications emphasize the risks of social maladaptation after returning from the front. As one of the potential alternatives for veterans who cannot integrate into civilian life, the authors of the posts consider the creation of Ukrainian private military companies. Participation in such structures is presented as a possible scenario for continuing a military career or a way to preserve the identity of former servicemen.