Money and election is an inseparable political and economic duo. And financial capability of a candidate is an important factor for victory. Unfortunately, the level of public scepticism contributes to the fact that the election becomes an “elitist game”, with those who expect to spend a minimum of 300,000 hryvnias really participating in it. And this is if a candidate is well-known, doesn't have rather negative rating, charismatic, and, respectively, can encourage other people to work as free campaigners, observers, and members of commissions. However, the scenario is almost wild.

And this is if a candidate is well-known, doesn't have rather negative rating, charismatic, and, respectively, can encourage other people to work as free campaigners, observers, and members of commissions. However, the scenario is almost wild.

The question of sources for campaign funds also remains open. Who invests into campaigns of future politicians, and how much, is an indecent question, candidates think. However, they forget that they loose the privacy status as soon as they declare themselves political players. Financial transparency also guarantees that a future candidate will be obliged not only to his voters but also to mysterious sponsors. The latter, of course, invest in order to increase potential profit or obtain political dividends but not for common good. According to the election law, fund can be filled with voluntary contributions of people in the amount of no more than 20 minimal wages for a FPP candidate, and personal funds of a candidate. Neither anonymous donations nor from foreign nationals can be accepted.

For Ukraine, it is a typical situation when a participant of an election spends many times more than his declared income for the previous year

However, for Ukraine, it is a typical situation when a participant of an election spends many times more than his declared income for the previous year. For example, the candidate of the United Centre Party in the FPP electoral district 73 (Zakarpattia) Ivan Baloha in 2011 earned profit in the amount of 181,538 hryvnias, and in August and September spent only 735,000 hryvnias for charity in the district. Of course, the candidate hasn't limited his campaign to gifts to churches and voters. The main competitor of Baloha, Ivan Bushko, nominated by the Party of Regions who declared his total annual income in the amount of 118,801 hryvnias 34 kopiykas, has made charity donations in the amount of 540,000 hryvnias in the district in 2 months of the election However, the latter has considerably saved on the reception office and headquarters, for the rent of which he pays a ridiculous 1 hryvnia per month.

Unfortunately, the Central Election Commission can only have selective control over accounting, revenues, and expenses from campaign funds. However, is it possible, in the current system, to properly track transactions of 2,934 candidates who are registered just in single-mandate districts? The system doesn't provide for control over content of declarations of income, or expense report of candidates after the campaign, therefore, it only nominally requires financial neatness and discipline from participants of the election. The law stipulates that all campaign events shall be settled by bank transfer and from a campaign fund. And how many people have heard that candidates, for example, enter into civil agreements with their campaigners, pay taxes, or have any employment relationship with employees of their headquarters? At the same time, people are well aware in which headquarters members of PECs and DECs are decently paid, in cash in envelopes that may be construed as bribery.

Unfortunately, the system of financial non-transparency and sleaze turns into total post-election corruption. Of course, one shouldn't go to extremes as, fro example, in Norway where the contents of declarations of income and property of every citizen can be viewed on the Internet. However, in the electoral process, there should be absolute transparency as to who stands behind the back of a candidate or a party. In the U.S., for example, each donation to the account of a candidate can be checked through a global network. No mysteries are created as to whom a people's deputy will serve. Unfortunately, we still consider rude to look into the wallet of a politician though a potential candidate of no scruples when having obtained parliamentary immunity and access to decision-making centres can easily get into the pocket of hundreds of thousands of voters.

For Forbes. Ukraine

Olha Aivazovska, Election Programmes Coordinator of the Civil Network OPORA